tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-60265262024-03-13T23:15:08.391-07:00Cuba-L Commentary/ComentarioAnalysis and commentary by Nelson P Valdés on contemporary Cuba. / Analisis y comentario de Nelson P Valdés sobre Cuba hoy.Unknownnoreply@blogger.comBlogger72125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6026526.post-26206439347620380052022-09-02T20:37:00.001-07:002022-09-02T20:37:18.379-07:00Respuesta confeccionada por la Comisión de Asuntos Constitucionales y Jurídicos de la Asamblea Nacional que le fue entregada a Osvaldo Payá acerca de su proyecto el 18 de noviembre del 2002 y enviada posteriormente por correo el 26 de noviembre del mismo año. [Documento proporcionado al Profesor Nelson P Valdes por la Asamblea Nacional de Cuba]. NP Valdes
Ciudad de la Habana, 1 de noviembre del 2002
“Año de los Héroes Prisioneros del Imperio”
Dr. Ricardo Alarcón de Quesada
Presidente
Asamblea Nacional del Poder Popular
Compañero:
En respuesta al documento que nos trasladó, en virtud del artículo 67 del Reglamento de la Asamblea Nacional del Poder Popular, que dice denominarse “Proyecto Varela”, la Comisión de Asuntos Constitucionales y Jurídicos, a tenor del artículo 68 del mencionado Reglamento emite las siguientes:
CONSIDERACIONES
1. Elementos Formales:
1. Atendiendo a que el documento en cuestión pretende presentarse como una iniciativa legislativa amparada en la facultad constitucional del inciso g) artículo 88, es oportuno significar que no cumple con los requisitos de ley establecidos en el artículo 64 del Reglamento de la Asamblea Nacional del Poder Popular, toda vez que la petición formulada se acompaña con un grupo de papeles que dicen consignar datos identificativos de ciudadanos, cuya identidad y veracidad no consta acreditada legalmente, dado que no se ha cumplido el requerimiento legal para estos casos, cual es que, mediante declaración jurada ante notario, los ciudadanos acrediten su identidad personal mediante los datos del carné de identidad como documento idóneo y probatorio de la individualización de cada una de estas personas que avalan este pedimento, además de que no se acredita su no invalidación para ejercer el sufragio activo, lo que exige conforme el artículo 132 de la Constitución de la República, que no se halla incapacitado mentalmente ni inhabilitado judicialmente por causa de delito, elementos estos que requieren de la presentación de las pruebas documentales pertinentes para que el Notario, en su función de fedatario público, los consigne en el documento público, en el caso que nos ocupa, la declaración jurada, que se exige, pues en ningún momento, ni la Constitución de la República ni el Reglamento de la Asamblea Nacional del Poder Popular establece la recolección de firmas, cualquiera que fuese su número, para promover la iniciativa legislativa.
2. Otro aspecto que desatiende y no considera en debida cuenta el documento que pretende convertirse en iniciativa legislativa, lo es que viene obligado a desarrollar en el escrito de fundamentación que le acompañe los particulares que se recogen taxativamente en los apartados 1 a 7 del artículo 63 del Reglamento de este supremo órgano. El documento que se adjunta y que denominan Fundamentación, no es sino una relación fáctica y en oportunidades errática en redacción y contenido de la pretensión, sin desarrollar los requisitos de ley para su elaboración, así como la exposición de posiciones y criterios o la simple solicitud de la promulgación de una ley para crear empresas privadas por parte de cubanos, sin constar ningún género de fundamentación al respecto, o como es el caso de la modificación al Código Penal, sin exposición alguna de los requerimientos de ley.
3. Resulta tan apartada de lo que debe ser la fundamentación debida y seria de un proyecto de ley que ni siquiera aspectos tan relevantes en el proceso legislativo como el rango normativo de la disposición jurídica propuesta o los mecanismos necesarios que garanticen la aplicabilidad, efectividad, cumplimiento y el control de la disposición jurídica que se presenta, son abordados. Entremezcla en total desarmonía y carencia de secuencia lógica, consideraciones y posiciones totalmente extrañas al proceder legislativo.
El no cumplimiento de los requisitos de ley exigidos resulta elemento suficiente para rechazar de plano la pretensión formulada, no obstante la Comisión considera oportuno no detenerse ante estos aspectos y entrar a un análisis del contenido de la misma.
II. Elementos de Contenido:
1. El documento en análisis mezcla en total desconcierto y carencia de rigor diferentes instituciones de rango constitucional, de distinta tramitación. Tal es el caso de la solicitud a la Asamblea Nacional del Poder Popular “que someta a consulta popular, mediante referendo ...las propuestas”.
Esto requiere un análisis.
La consulta popular y el referendo son dos instituciones constitucionales potestativas de la Asamblea Nacional (incisos (b) y (u) del artículo 75 de la Constitución de la República) bien definidos uno de otro. Mientras que la consulta popular consiste en someter al pueblo que opine y aporte ideas sobre un tema legislativo específico, reservándose la Asamblea la decisión definitiva sobre la norma en tramitación, vgr: en 1994 la Asamblea Nacional del Poder Popular, como expresión de la activa participación y presencia del pueblo en la adopción de decisiones trascendentales para la vida en sociedad, en ejercicio de cabal democracia, convocó a consulta popular, las medidas en el orden financiero y tributario necesarias a implementar en la nación como consecuencia de la seria situación económica que se imponía al país por el doble bloqueo que genera, el impuesto por el gobierno de los Estados Unidos de América y el que se deriva del derrumbe del campo socialista.
El referendo somete la norma en debate a la resolución definitiva de los ciudadanos, vgr: el referendo convocado en 1976 para la aprobación de la vigente Constitución de la República, mediante el voto afirmativo del 95,7% de los electores de la nación.
Luego, como se constata, es desacertado interesar que se “someta a consulta popular mediante referendo”, como se expresa en el documento, pues son dos instituciones con diferentes soluciones.
En definitiva tanto el referendo como la consulta popular, son expresiones de la democracia directa ejercida por nuestro pueblo, son facultades potestativas de la Asamblea Nacional y la Comisión considera oportuno aportar que en este sentido estima, que se reservan a decisiones de especial transcendencia.
2. La acción legislativa, acto riguroso y solemne, exige de quien ejercita la iniciativa legislativa la presentación de un anteproyecto que reúna en sí todos los presupuestos de una ley; primero su título, seguido de los Por Cuantos que la presiden y luego los basamentos de derecho en que se sustenta los que se exponen en su Por Tanto, luego de lo cual viene el cuerpo normativo, conformados armónicamente, según el caso, por los títulos, capítulos y secciones e integrados estos por los artículos, apartados e incisos y luego las disposiciones transitorias y finales que garantizan la inserción de la ley propuesta con el resto del ordenamiento legal del país.
La Comisión, al analizar el documento presentado a su consideración y en correspondencia con el artículo 69 del Reglamento, aprecia, a simple vista, que el mismo carece de rigor técnico y refleja en total desarmonía los temas que pretende abordar, acentuando una carencia de la forma de un anteproyecto de ley. Tal vez pudiera aducirse por sus redactores su condición profana en términos legales, lo que no es procedente, ya que en las citas de normas legales que se invocan y en los análisis, si bien lineales y pocos profundos, que hacen en la fundamentación, apuntan en la dirección de que personas con un conocimiento elemental del derecho trabajaron en esta redacción, así como que cualquier persona de la mera lectura de las leyes, incluso de las normas que analizan revocar o modificar, comprenden fácilmente la forma en que se redacta y presenta un proyecto legislativo.
3. Otro aspecto que resulta oportuno significarse por la Comisión lo es el hecho que cada norma legal que se elabore tiene que estar concentrada en una temática específica. El ordenamiento jurídico de un país se conforma por normas de derecho perfectamente identificables y específicas en la materia que aborden, aún dentro de una misma rama del derecho no es atinado incluir asuntos diferentes, así por ejemplo en el derecho las normas adjetivas y sustantivas conforman leyes independientes aunque versen sobre una misma materia; una regulará cómo se aplican, la otra, qué regula en la vida social.
Contrarius sensu, el derecho dejaría de ser una ciencia que regula el normal y armónico desarrollo de los hombres en la sociedad para convertirse en un elemento coadyuvador del caos y la anarquía y tal es el caso del proyecto que se somete a nuestra consideración que desatiende aspectos medulares en la ciencia del derecho, como los son el hecho de considerar al ordenamiento jurídico como un sistema unitario, coherente y dinámico.
En un solo texto, en un solo cuerpo, sin ni siquiera subtítulos que lo identifiquen se reflejan un grupo de planteamientos que combinan temas de derecho constitucional, de derecho penal, de la ley electoral y de la ley de asociaciones. Lo que debió de haber sido objeto de pretensiones bien diferenciadas entre sí en cuerpos normativos independientes, aspecto sobre el cual es también errático el documento.
4. Los integrantes de la Comisión, del estudio del documento en cuestión, coinciden en el criterio de que, lo que se pretende con esta solicitud, no es una promoción de un proyecto de ley como enfáticamente se dice; sus propósitos van mucho más allá y dada la índole de los asuntos que aborda y las valoraciones y cambios que proponen, en realidad se trata de una reforma constitucional que pretende destruir las bases fundacionales del sistema político cubano. No se trata de cambios o modificaciones de leyes como pretenden aparentar, sino de colisiones con los principios políticos, económicos y sociales que se consagran en la Constitución de la República.
En tal virtud, resulta atinado consignar:
No debe generar dudas que el proceso de iniciativa de las leyes del artículo 88 se refieren a otras leyes que no es precisamente los encaminados a modificar la Constitución, la cual como garantía del límite que prevé para su modificación ha concebido un específico proceso, más allá del cual, ni los ciudadanos, ni las instituciones públicas pueden ir.
Sin embargo, la facultad de la iniciativa legislativa que la Constitución le consagra a los ciudadanos no puede ser entendida en el ejercicio de un derecho ilimitado que atente y socave directamente el propio poder del Estado constituido y la expresión mayoritaria del cuerpo electoral que en ejercicio de su poder constituyente le insufló vida como expresión de la voluntad de la sociedad.
En tal sentido, resulta conveniente acudir al artículo 66 de la Constitución que establece a todos los ciudadanos el “deber inexcusable” de cumplir estrictamente con la constitución y con las leyes, luego el derecho de iniciativa legislativa a que se contrae el mentado artículo 88 de la Constitución no solo se limita por las expresas consideraciones que allí se le fijan, sino también y ello es esencial, por el deber de los ciudadanos de actuar con estricto e inexcusable cumplimiento y acatamiento a la propia Constitución y a las demás leyes del Estado cubano, luego en modo alguno puede dar cobertura legal para actuar a quienes pretendan amparados en esta facultad constitucional, subvertir los cimientos del Estado e ir contra los fundamentos políticos, sociales y económicos que establece la propia Constitución en que pretenden ampararse, es pretender rebasar los límites que en su propia defensa la Constitución establece e ir contra la mayoría del pueblo en que se sostiene.
Luego la iniciativa de promover leyes que el artículo 88 de la -Constitución expresa y que tiene entre sus destinatarios a los ciudadanos, se entiende en el sentido de promocionar leyes, ante la Asamblea Nacional del Poder Popular, en marcados dentro del estricto respeto y cumplimiento de los principios constitucionales y demás leyes de la nación, sin que se pueda interpretar esta facultad constitucional en el sentido de promover leyes encaminadas a remover o modificar la propia Constitución, aunque expresamente ello no se declare, o los fundamentos y principios del Estado o derechos y deberes en ella consagrados, pues para ello el constituyentista en su día concibió un procedimiento específico y expreso, tal cual es la Reforma Constitucional que se recoge en el Capítulo XV, artículo 137 de la Suprema Norma.
La ley que modificaría la Constitución, tal y como ella prevé y también el artículo 79 del Reglamento de la Asamblea Nacional, no puede ser una ley ordinaria de las que usualmente aprueba el órgano legislativo en sus períodos ordinarios de sesiones, tiene que ser una ley especial, de rango constitucional.
Ante esa situación la Asamblea Nacional actúa no como órgano legislativo sino como órgano constituyente. Constituyente, porque puede ponerse en el lugar del constituyente originario y entrar a reformar directamente la Constitución sin requerir de otra norma para ello que no sea su mera voluntad alcanzada mediante el proceso establecido.
Luego es improcedente acudir al procedimiento legislativo común para pretender mediante una ley modificar el texto constitucional, porque en primer lugar el procedimiento es inaplicable, segundo la simple ley no tiene rango para alcanzar a introducir una modificación en la constitución y en tercero la Asamblea Nacional en esos momento de la reforma no actúa como órgano legislativo sino como órgano constituyente y consecuentemente no puede acudir al proceso ordinario que rige la elaboración de las leyes para expresarse, tal y como preceptúa el artículo 137 de la Norma Suprema.
La Constitución de la República, conjunto de normas fundamentales que expresan la legítima voluntad del pueblo soberano de darse y sostener una determinada forma política, es la norma de mayor jerarquía en el ordenamiento jurídico de la nación, establece los órganos con competencia legislativa, regula el procedimiento legislativo y condiciona el contenido que han de tener las leyes, luego toda la función legislativa se le subordina y tiene que serle coherente, para su reforma exige la concurrencia de órganos y procedimientos más complejos que los regulados para modificar las leyes. De ahí el carácter supralegal que le asiste y la rigidez que le caracteriza. Luego toda norma que pretenda oponérsele expresa o tácitamente es inconstitucional e improcedente.
5. En consonancia con lo expuesto y en ejercicio del deber que le confiere a la Comisión el artículo 69 del Reglamento de la Asamblea Nacional del Poder Popular, estima oportuno señalar que el pretendido documento de iniciativa legislativa que le es sometido a consideración no se adecua a la Constitución de la República, a la cual contradice y se le opone abiertamente.
III. Conclusiones.
En uso de las facultades que le reserva el inciso c) del artículo 68 del mentado Reglamento de la Asamblea Nacional y atendiendo a todos los argumentos señalados en el cuerpo de este documento, la Comisión de Asuntos Constitucionales y Jurídicos considera, por unanimidad, proponer al Presidente de la Asamblea Nacional del Poder Popular no admitir a otros trámites el documento en cuestión y por consiguiente, conforme a lo establecido, rechazar las pretensiones que el mismo formula.
Dado en las Oficinas Auxiliares de la Asamblea Nacional del Poder Popular, en la ciudad de la Habana a 1 día del mes de noviembre del 2002
“Año de los Héroes Prisioneros del Imperio”.
Comisión de Asuntos Constitucionales y Jurídicos
Asamblea Nacional del Poder
Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6026526.post-72606414717850081472021-04-29T18:30:00.001-07:002021-04-29T18:33:11.636-07:00Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6026526.post-84452099511098862602020-09-21T19:53:00.003-07:002020-09-21T19:53:33.398-07:00<p> Recordando
un poema de Robert Frost y las relaciones de Estados Unidos y Cuba*</p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="ES-CO" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-CO;"><o:p> </o:p></span>Nelson P.
Valdés</p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="ES-CO" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-CO;"><o:p> </o:p></span>Las
historias de los Estados Unidos y Cuba están entrelazadas de muchas formas y
maneras. Cubanos y norteamericanos han vivido y aprendido mucho unos de los
otros. Y así ha sido no solo en la cultura, sino también en la política, la
economía y la sociedad. Es una larga historia.</p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="ES-CO" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-CO;"><o:p> </o:p></span>En 1953 los
revolucionarios cubanos atacaban el cuartel Moncada en Santiago de Cuba. En
esos días, una escuela en Tennessee iniciaba clases para organizar y entrenar a
trabajadores por los derechos civiles, la mayoría negros. La movilización
ciudadana en la Cuba de los años 50 constituía una expresión de una misma y
paralela lucha por los derechos civiles en el sur y norte de los Estados
Unidos. Al mismo tiempo, las luchas sociales y políticas a nivel de base en
Cuba y los Estados Unidos --aunque separadas--, eran, a su vez, expresión de
los procesos de descolonización de África y Asia después de la Segunda Guerra
Mundial. Los argumentos que utilizara en su defensa Fidel Castro fueron muy
similares a los conceptos de derechos ciudadanos que la Corte Suprema de los
Estados Unidos reconoce en Brown vs. Board of Education, prohibiendo la
segregación de las escuelas. Estas dos tradiciones hacían referencia a
pensadores del siglo XVIII y XIX, parte de una cultura netamente
revolucionaria.</p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="ES-CO" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-CO;"><o:p> </o:p></span>Los
cubanos, como los norteamericanos, confrontan a las autoridades de sus
respectivos países por violar su respectivas Constituciones.</p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="ES-CO" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-CO;"><o:p> </o:p></span>La acción
de un pequeño grupo de revolucionarios en Cuba, al igual que Rosa Parks y sus
compañeros en Montgomery, Alabama, incita a mayores acciones que serían
consideradas radicales, ilegales y revolucionarias. El movimiento
revolucionario cubano se inicia con demandas legales y poco después adopta métodos armados. En los Estados Unidos el
movimiento de derechos civiles utilizaría métodos pacíficos, aun cuando el
Estado lo agredía violentamente. Y poco a poco un mayor número de instituciones
sociales, incluyendo las iglesias, apoyaron cada vez más a sus respectivos
movimientos en defensa de los derechos civiles de la población. En ambos
países, figuras cimeras del sistema judicial llegaron a identificarse con esos
movimientos, cada vez más populares. Mientras en los Estados Unidos el
movimiento de los derechos civiles y políticos tiene un basamento
constitucional y religioso como el del Southern Christian Leadership
Conference, en el caso cubano es netamente político aunque muchos participantes
eran católicos, presbiterianos y bautistas.</p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="ES-CO" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-CO;"><o:p> </o:p></span>Por una
parte, gobernadores estatales en el sur
de los Estados Unidos --en Arkansas y Mississippi, por ejemplo-- y el FBI al igual que, por otra parte, el gobierno
de Fulgencio Batista tratan de
desarticular por diferentes medios esa creciente oposición. Ambos aparatos
represivos emplearon la misma tecnología militar y los mismos métodos
(mangueras de agua de alta presión, por ejemplo). Y sin embargo, en los dos
países surgen líderes carismáticos que cohesionan al naciente movimiento de
masas: Martin Luther King, Jr. en los Estados Unidos y Fidel Castro en
Cuba. </p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="ES-CO" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-CO;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span>En Cuba, el
movimiento triunfa y llega al poder en 1959, no así en los Estados Unidos. El
movimiento por los derechos civiles y políticos primero, y el movimiento
estudiantil y contra las guerras coloniales después, solo logran algunas
concesiones civiles y políticas. Pero esa lucha continuó en los Estados Unidos
y parte de la población reformista y radical de jóvenes en el norte del país
fue al Deep South para ayudar a obtener derechos sociales y políticos. El
triunfo revolucionario en Cuba tiene un enorme impacto entre los luchadores por
los derechos civiles. Y aun cuando utilizaron métodos diferentes --la no violencia--, reconocieron las contribuciones
y los cambios de los cubanos.</p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="ES-CO" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-CO;"><o:p> </o:p></span>El triunfo
cubano se asumió como propio por los luchadores y revolucionarios de los
Estados Unidos. Además, luchadores por los derechos civiles en los Estados
Unidos presionaron al gobierno para que no ayudara a la dictadura, “El gobierno
de Estados Unidos es un socio del dictador de Cuba, Fulgencio Batista, en el
asesinato de cerca de 4,000 Cubanos hasta el momento, y ha llegado el momento
de largarnos ya” --declaró Adam Clayton Powell, congresista negro norteamericano,
el 20 de marzo de 1958 ante la Cámara del Congreso de los Estados Unidos.</p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="ES-CO" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-CO;"><o:p> </o:p></span>El triunfo
de la rebelión cubana tuvo particular impacto en la población negra
norteamericana. Durante los primeros meses de 1959 muchos intelectuales,
periodistas, líderes obreros, congresistas, actores y escritores negros fueron
a Cuba y defendieron el proceso social recién iniciado. Entre estos se
encontraban William Worthy y Richard Gilbson [periodistas], James Baldwin,
James Oliver, Julian Mayfield, Leroi Jones, Harold Cruse, [escritores], John
Henri Clarke [historiador], Adam Clayton Powell, Malcolm X [políticos], entre
otros.</p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="ES-CO" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-CO;"><o:p> </o:p></span>En
septiembre de 1960 Fidel Castro viajó a Nueva York para representar a la
Revolución Cubana ante las Naciones Unidas. Bajo la presión del Departamento de
Estado de los Estados Unidos, durante la administración de Dwight Eisenhower el
establishment hotelero le negó a la
comitiva cubana acceso a los hoteles. Pero la comunidad negra de Harlem abrió
su corazón y sus espacios a los revolucionarios cubanos. No fue solo el Hotel
Teresa el que tomó esa iniciativa. La comunidad negra, que en esos precisos
momentos luchaba en numerosos frentes contra el racismo, la exclusión social,
la pobreza y la explotación, también entendía que sus hermanos negros, mulatos
y blancos de la Isla comenzaban todo un
proceso de destrucción de los instrumentos racistas, segregacionistas y
explotadores que se habían enraizado en la “isla de la libertad.” Negarle al
líder revolucionario blanco el acceso a un hotel era un acto similar a lo que
confrontaba la población negra en general en Estados Unidos.</p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="ES-CO" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-CO;"><o:p> </o:p></span>La lucha
por los derechos civiles, de una larguísima historia en los Estados Unidos,
veía reflejada sus ilusiones y esperanzas en la nueva Cuba. Aunque muchos no
recuerdan o han querido olvidar o no lo conocen, la realidad fehaciente es que
el movimiento por los derechos civiles, políticos, culturales, económicos y
humanos que se desarrollaba en el sur de los Estados Unidos tenía muchísimos
enlaces y conexiones con lo que estaba sucediendo en Cuba. Aún más ilustrativo
es que en septiembre de 1960 ya la Revolución Cubana había nacionalizado una
proporción grande de las corporaciones norteamericanas. Y, sin embargo, Malcolm
X declaraba en Harlem: “El [Hotel]
Teresa es hoy mas conocido como el lugar
a donde fue Fidel Castro durante su visita a las Naciones Unidas, y logro una
Victoria psicológica contra el Departamento de Estado de los Estados Unidos
cuando fue confinado a Manhattan. Nunca soñaron que Fidel se quedaría en
“uptown”, en Harlem, donde dejaría una
enorme y positiva impresión entre los negros.”</p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="ES-CO" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-CO;"><o:p> </o:p></span>Un autor norteamericano
escribía. “Además, miles estaban
encantados viendo al comandante [negro]
Juan Almeida entre los
revolucionarios. El 22 de Septiembre todo
Harlem estaba alrededor del Hotel Teresa congratulando, saludando,
gritando por Fidel, sus compañeros y la revolución. Almeida y los otros miembros del Ejército
Rebelde caminaron 20 cuadras enteras en Harlem.
El 22 de Septiembre Fidel Castro almorzó
con los trabajadores del hotel. Y se reunió con Malcolm x en el Hotel
Teresa. Malcolm escribió entonces: “El
Teresa es ahora mucho más conocido como
el lugar a donde Fidel Castro fue durante su visita a las Naciones Unidas, y
logró un golpe psicológico contra el Departamento de Estado de los Estados
Unidos cuando lo confinaron a el a estar solo en Manhattan. Nunca soñaron que
él se hospedaría en Harlem donde dejaría una enorme impresión entre los
Negros.” [1]</p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="ES-CO" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-CO;"><o:p> </o:p></span>Y otro
escritor nos informa, “… los activistas de Harlem sugirieron, que las
dificultades en encontrar donde hospedarse se transformaran en una oportunidad
única para expresar las expresiones culturales y políticas de solidaridad y
anti-racismo. Cuando la delegación cubana acepto la amistosa bienvenida del
dueño del Hotel Teresa, Love B. Woods, los lazos ideológicos y políticos entre los progresistas Afro-Americanos y los
revolucionarios cubanos fueron cultivados…. La reunión de Malcolm X y Fidel
Castro en Harlem simbolizaba una era de la post-II Guerra Mundial, de los
movimientos anticoloniales y a favor de la lucha por los derechos humanos de
los pueblos negros y del Tercer Mundo. Un periódico, el New York Citizen Call, declaraba en esos días: “Para los oprimidos
habitantes de Harlem, Castro era el revolucionario barbudo que había expulsado
a los bribones y les ha dicho a los
blancos de Estados Unidos que se fueran al infierno.” [2]</p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="ES-CO" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-CO;"><o:p> </o:p></span>El
movimiento por los derechos civiles y democráticos de los norteamericanos,
particularmente de los negros, veía el proceso revolucionario en Cuba con
buenos ojos. Igual sucedía con el movimiento estudiantil universitario que se iba configurando. Una alianza de los
revolucionarios de la Isla con los revolucionarios y reformistas de los Estados
Unidos se convertía en una enorme preocupación para la estructura del poder
norteamericano. Y en poco tiempo, ambos
lados cooperaban más.</p>
<p class="MsoNormal">En 1960
varios norteamericanos de izquierda establecen el Fair Play for Cuba Committee
en favor de la Revolución Cubana y en oposición a la política de la
administración Eisenhower. Muchos de sus miembros también pertenecían a la
lucha por los derechos civiles de negros, blancos y trabajadores, entre estos
el escritor James Baldwin. Ralph Feathrstone, uno de los líderes del Student
Non Violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), consideraba a Cuba “una zona liberada”. El poeta negro, de
izquierda, LeRoi Jones escribía, “los Cubanos, y los otros nuevos pueblos (en
Asia, África, América del Sur)
del mundo no nos necesitan, y lo mejor que podemos hacer es no bloquearles el
camino.” [Cuba Libre, 1960]. O sea, un sector significativo de la población negra norteamericana reconocía y
apoyaba la autodeterminación, concepto que ya se defendía también en el sur de
los Estados Unidos. La organización de solidaridad Fair Play for Cuba Committee existía contra
la injusticia, y a su vez integraba a norteamericanos de todos los
colores. En sí el “fair play” es lo que
los sectores más necesitados pedían para sí y para el mundo.</p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Pero la
relación y cooperación entre los
movimientos progresistas norteamericanos y la Revolución Cubana fue atacada
desde el primer momento. Ambos movimientos confrontaban a un mismo enemigo.</p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Poco a poco
estas dos fuerzas fueron aisladas por la invasión organizada por el gobierno de
Estados Unidos el 17 de abril de 1961 a
Cuba. También la sistemática persecución de la izquierda por el Congreso [House
Un-American Activities Committee], el FBI y muchas otras instituciones
estatales tuvo sus efectos sobre esa relación. Los propios liberales norteamericanos
corrieron en dirección opuesta a la revolucionaria. Pero la lucha por la
justicia y por la igualdad de derechos democráticos continuó en los Estados
Unidos, si bien cada vez más separada de la realidad cubana. La Crisis de los
Misiles, de octubre 1962, fue un parteaguas que abrió una mayor brecha entre
ambos movimientos. Ya a la Cuba revolucionaria se le definía como un enemigo de
los Estados Unidos, mientras que el gobierno demócrata norteamericano de John
Kennedy se identificaba con un sector reformista del movimiento por los
derechos civiles. Sin embargo, la relación continuó a niveles menos conocidos.
Pero no queda duda de que la Revolución Cubana y la lucha por los derechos de
los norteamericanos tiene una larga y estrecha relación.</p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Esa historia,
que sólo hemos tocado someramente, revela que las relaciones entre los
revolucionarios cubanos y las fuerzas progresistas de los Estados Unidos tiene
una larguísima historia. José Martí vivió durante años en Nueva York y Tampa.
Exploró como pocos la historia de los Estados Unidos y la de Cuba, por separado
y en relación con los dos países. Entendió como pocos el sentido real de lo que
significa la independencia nacional. El movimiento progresista negro de los
Estados Unidos también comprendió esa lucha. Martin Luther King fue clasificado
por el FBI como un “hombre peligroso”. El gobierno de Estados Unidos también le
dio esa misma clasificación a Fidel Castro. Ambos entendieron la relación
estrecha entre la independencia nacional y los derechos civiles y políticos. Un
país imperial no puede ser respetuoso de los derechos humanos y civiles. Y una colonia tampoco los respeta.</p>
<p class="MsoNormal">El 22 de
octubre de 1995 Fidel Castro volvió a visitar Harlem. Dijo: “aquí en Harlem
conocí a Malcom X, conocí a otras muchas personalidades. Eran días difíciles, siempre son difíciles
los días, pero por delante estaba una lucha muy grande: las grandes batallas de
Martin Luther King por los derechos civiles; las grandes luchas de las minorías
negras, hispánicas, latinoamericanas de todas partes, por mejorar sus
condiciones de vida; la lucha de los ancianos, los enfermos, todos.” [3]</p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="ES-CO" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-CO;">El
Congressional Black Caucus [CBC] de los Estados Unidos ha tenido una posición
amistosa y solidaria hacia el proceso político y social cubano.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Y ha representado el sector mas progresista y
favorable a la normalización de las relaciones entre los dos países.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Desde 1999 delegaciones y representantes del
CBC ha visitado Cuba y se ha reunido con Fidel Castro. Cuba, a su vez, ha
proporcionado becas a estudiantes norteamericanos con el apoyo de los
Congresistas del CBC. Ya Fidel Castro había señalado que las circunstancias
eran propicias para el mejoramiento de las relaciones<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>pues “era necesario utilizar este momento
histórico en que coinciden un Presidente negro en la Casa Blanca y una
corriente de opinión favorable a la normalización de las relaciones.” [4] <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="ES-CO" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-CO;">Cómo <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">tendrían</i> que hablar el presidente de
Estados Unidos y el ex presidente Fidel Castro sobre la historia de ambos
países. Ya uno de ellos dijo: “en la buena voluntad y disposición de las
personas hay infinitos recursos que no se guardan ni caben en las bóvedas de un
banco. No emanan de la política única de un imperio.” [5] Bien vale recordar a
Robert Frost: “Dos caminos se bifurcaban en un bosque y yo, /Yo tomé el menos
transitado, /Y eso hizo toda la diferencia.”<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="ES-CO" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-CO;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">-----------------------------------<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">[1]See: Joy James, Review: Harlem Hospitality and Political
History: Malcolm x and Fidel Castro at the Hotel Theresa, Contributions in
Black Studies, Vol. 12, Article 12, 1994, Article No. 12.
[http://scholarworks.umass.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi? article=1088&context=cibshttps://youtu.be/UAcgbsPgCbo<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">[2]<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>L. Ralph, Fidel
Castro and Harlem: Political, Diplomatic, and Social Influences of the 1960
Visit to the Hotel Theresa,” Afro-Americans in New York Life and History. See:
https://www.questia.com/library/journal/1P3-494766291/fidel-castro-and-harlem-political-diplomatic-<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">[3] <a href="http://www.cuba.cu/gobierno/discursos/1995/esp/f221095e.html">http://www.cuba.cu/gobierno/discursos/1995/esp/f221095e.html</a><o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="ES-CO" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-CO;">[4] Fidel
Castro, “Los 7 congresistas que nos visitan,” Cubadebate (Habana), Marzo 11,
2014. http://www.granma.cu/granmad/secciones/ref-fidel/art113.html<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="ES-CO" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-CO;">[5]
http://www.granma.cu/granmad/secciones/ref-fidel/art20.html<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Sugerencia de lectura:</p><p class="MsoNormal"><o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Lisa Brock y Digna Castañeda Fuentes, Between Race and
Empire : African-Americans and Cubans before the Cuban revolution, 1998.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">*El texto del poema
de Robert Frost - The Road Not Taken:</p><p class="MsoNormal"><o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Two roads diverged in a yellow wood,<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">And sorry I could not travel both<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">And be one traveler, long I stood<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">And looked down one as far as I could<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">To where it bent in the undergrowth;<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Then took the other, as just as fair,<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">And having perhaps the better claim,<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Because it was grassy and wanted wear;<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Though as for that the passing there<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Had worn them really about the same,<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">And both that morning equally lay<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">In leaves no step had trodden black.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Oh, I kept the first for another day!<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Yet knowing how way leads on to way,<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">I doubted if I should ever come back.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">I shall be telling this with a sigh<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Somewhere ages and ages hence:<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Two roads diverged in a wood, and I—<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">I took the one less traveled by,<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">And that has made all the difference<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"> </p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="ES-CO" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-CO;">Dos caminos
se bifurcaban en un bosque amarillo, <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="ES-CO" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-CO;">Y apenado
por no poder tomar los dos<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="ES-CO" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-CO;">Siendo un
viajero solo, largo tiempo estuve de pie <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="ES-CO" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-CO;">Mirando uno
de ellos tan lejos como pude, <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="ES-CO" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-CO;">Hasta donde
se perdía en la espesura;<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Entonces
tomé el otro, imparcialmente,</p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="ES-CO" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-CO;">Y habiendo
tenido quizás la elección acertada, <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="ES-CO" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-CO;">Pues era
tupido y requería uso; <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="ES-CO" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-CO;">Aunque en
cuanto a lo que vi allí <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="ES-CO" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-CO;">Hubiera
elegido cualquiera de los dos.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Y ambos esa
mañana yacían igualmente,</p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="ES-CO" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-CO;">¡Oh, había
guardado aquel primero para otro día! <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="ES-CO" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-CO;">Aun
sabiendo el modo en que las cosas siguen adelante, <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="ES-CO" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-CO;">Dudé si
debía haber regresado sobre mis pasos.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Debo estar
diciendo esto con un suspiro</p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="ES-CO" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-CO;">De aquí a
la eternidad:<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="ES-CO" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-CO;">Dos caminos
se bifurcaban en un bosque y yo, <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="ES-CO" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-CO;">Yo tomé el
menos transitado, <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="ES-CO" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-CO;">Y eso hizo
toda la diferencia.<o:p></o:p></span></p>Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6026526.post-28505973203449596332020-09-18T16:21:00.000-07:002020-09-18T16:21:19.154-07:00<p> </p><p align="center" style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 9.0pt;">"Interneting": or
Studying with the Other*</span></b><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 9.0pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p align="right" style="text-align: right;"><i><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 9.0pt;">All of us inhabitants of our planet
are Other for Others—<br />
Me for Them, and Them for <st1:place w:st="on"><st1:state w:st="on">Me.</st1:state></st1:place><br />
Ryszard Kapuscinski<sup><a href="http://www.educoas.org/portal/en/tema/tinteres/temaint27.aspx?culture=en&navid=36#1#1"><span style="color: #333399;">1</span></a></sup></span></i><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 9.0pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 9.0pt;">Ancient
cultures knew that everything in the World was interdependent. The modern era
broke that view and only recently have we rediscovered Gaia – the close living
relationship between living organisms and their environment.<i><sup><a href="http://www.educoas.org/portal/en/tema/tinteres/temaint27.aspx?culture=en&navid=36#2#2"><span style="color: #333399;">2</span></a></sup></i><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span>Now
economic and political integrations implicitly recognize the need for
collaboration. We must restructure and make our new and different
interdependencies work.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 9.0pt;">The newest technologies allow us to access almost any part of the world as if we
were all living in a virtual town with diverse and different histories,
cultures, and languages. But this “techno” ability is misleading since
inequalities in accessibility continue to exist and are even on the rise.<i><sup><a href="http://www.educoas.org/portal/en/tema/tinteres/temaint27.aspx?culture=en&navid=36#3#3"><span style="color: #333399;">3</span></a></sup></i><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span>Still,
those who have the technological ability to know each other don’t have the need
to do so. However, our hemispheric diversity demands that we form part of a
symmetrical interdependent collaboration and a respectful dialogue. For this, we
need materials, resources, capability, and will.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 9.0pt;">What
we are suggesting is outlined in the context of transnationalization and the internationalization
of education but with its own characteristics.<i><sup><a href="http://www.educoas.org/portal/en/tema/tinteres/temaint27.aspx?culture=en&navid=36#4#4"><span style="color: #333399;">4</span></a></sup></i><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span>My
profession –sociology-- has taught me (having given courses on <st1:place w:st="on">Latin America</st1:place> for the past 32 years) that modern
technology is key. For all of my courses, I depend on web pages to publish my
written discussions (we do not use textbooks), listserves to distribute
articles on different topics, e-mail for bilateral or multilateral communication
with students, and chat rooms. Students have their own web pages, or “blogs”,
through which they teach and reveal to other students what they are doing and
thinking, and share how their respective research and projects are developing
week by week. At the same time, they have to research documents from numerous
different databases (and in the process, they learn about new sources of
information and, with my intervention, how to interpret, evaluate, analyze and
recognize what is merely normative or idiosyncratic versus social science). I
model my teaching on a masters level class, in that I meet with students in a
classroom and use technology. At the same time, we also use a form of distance
education since students continue to work with me once they leave the
classroom, but I have assumed the role of pedagogical advisor until we meet in
the classroom the following week.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 9.0pt;">The
computer, Internet, and other various instruments that are such crucial
components of today’s teaching cannot replace mentors, tutors, teachers,
educators or trainers. At the same time, one teacher alone is not sufficient to
educate students who have the ability to electronically access libraries in <st1:place w:st="on"><st1:city w:st="on">Buenos Aires</st1:city>, <st1:state w:st="on">Madrid</st1:state></st1:place>
or any other place in the world.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 9.0pt;">The
metaphor of the information superhighway may now have a different meaning. A
highway can also be a road on which we travel so quickly that the streets,
landscapes and buildings pass us by without us even seeing them. We understand
nothing. Information keeps growing and it grows more quickly and more out of
context. In this sense we have traveled from one point to another without
comprehending or understanding and for no particular reason.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 9.0pt;">On
the Internet, virtual destiny does not coincide with reality. A real highway is
not the same as a virtual highway. The Internet opens doors, but more so for young
students in a virtual world that is “wide and foreign” when it should have
“depth and be progressively knowable”. Meeting this objective requires the help
of real people, specialists who can transform virtuality into reality. And that
requires guides-professors at the beginning of the journey as well as
guides-professors along the way.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 9.0pt;">Students
and professors of one country may virtually explore other subjects in other
countries, but in an increasingly global and interactive world, we need
counterparts; this is part of the integration and interdependency. In other
words, in addition to the collaborative work taking place among the students,
collaboration must take place between the students and the onsite professor as
well as with the professor-guide of the country being studied.<i><sup><a href="http://www.educoas.org/portal/en/tema/tinteres/temaint27.aspx?culture=en&navid=36#5#5"><span style="color: #333399;">5</span></a></sup></i><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span>This
is key not only because we must be able to actively dialogue with those in the
countries being studied (as opposed to virtual pages that use imaginary
helpers), but also because in the process of interrelating ourselves, new
realities are established and we learn – in practice – mutually. Only with the structure can we participate in a true symmetrical learning process that
benefits everyone.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 9.0pt;">We
need to develop “team teaching,” in which guides-professors in the country
studied collaborate with onsite teachers who work directly with the students.
This implies an integration whereby students and professors are present in the
same place, but use Internet as a revised form of distance education.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 9.0pt;">Then
we would have, in addition to distance education and studies abroad programs, a
new experience that could be classified as co-studying with the studied abroad.
We could call this “internetting” with the “other” countries / the “exterior,
which is the true form – paraphrasing UNESCO – of together advancing
intellectual knowledge.?<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p align="right" style="text-align: right;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 7.5pt;">Nelson P Valdés, Ph.D<br /> </span></p>
<p><i><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 10.0pt;">*The
ideas, thoughts, and opinions expressed are not necessarily of the OAS nor of
its member states. The opinions expressed are the responsibility of the
authors.</span></i><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 9.0pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p align="right" style="text-align: right;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 9.0pt;"> <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 9.0pt;">
<hr align="center" noshade="" size="2" style="color: navy;" width="100%" />
</span></div>
<p><a name="1"></a><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 7.5pt;">1. Ryszard Kapuscinski , “Encountering the Other: The Challenge
for the 21st Century,” New Perspectives Quarterly, Fall 2005.</span><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 9.0pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p><a name="2"></a><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 7.5pt;">2. James Lovelock, The Ages of Gaia: A Biography of Our Living
Earth, <st1:place w:st="on"><st1:state w:st="on">New York</st1:state></st1:place>:
W.W. Norton, 1988.</span><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 9.0pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p><a name="3"></a><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 7.5pt;">3. One recent report reveals that in 2004 only 2.7% of university
institutions had virtual programs and the number of students in those programs
was 1.3% of the total. The study added “virtual higher education in Latin
America is limited, not only because of the few (although growing) number of
institutions that work with it or because of the small number of teachers
involved and students reached, but rather because of the use (or rather
underuse) of digital technologies (used almost exclusively to deliver content)
and the paltry development of new pedagogical methods, which is a great
contrast to the great possibilities offered by digital technologies in
education to improve the quality of learning and further other functions of a
higher education institution.” </span><span lang="ES" style="color: black; font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 7.5pt; mso-ansi-language: ES;">(See:
Instituto Internacional para la Educación Superior en América Latina y el
Caribe, Tecnologías de Información y Comunicación y Educación Superior Virtual
en Latinoamérica y el Caribe, Ángel H. Facundo Díaz, Ph.D., Bogotá, 2004, p.
6.).</span><span lang="ES" style="color: black; font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 9.0pt; mso-ansi-language: ES;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p><a name="4"></a><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 7.5pt;">4. In the event we suggest the students and professor are in the <st1:country-region w:st="on">U.S.</st1:country-region> and a distance education program is not
offered to students in <st1:place w:st="on">Latin America</st1:place>, but
depends on the participation of professionals with knowledge of the country
being studied. Carlos Marquis dines the typical model of transnationalization
of education as “the student is in a different country from that of the
institution providing the educational service. This implies the crossing of
boundaries by professors and educational materials. Regarding the cases of
transnational education, it was most often found the creation of regional
offices or headquarters of foreign institutions, the appearance of joint
programs among local and foreign universities with a double recognition,
articulated programs and twin programs.” </span><span lang="ES" style="color: black; font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 7.5pt; mso-ansi-language: ES;">See:
Nuevos Proveedores de Educación Superior en Argentina y Brasil, Argentina:
UNESCO/IESALC, Agosto 2002, p. 1.</span><span lang="ES" style="color: black; font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 9.0pt; mso-ansi-language: ES;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p><a name="5"></a><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 7.5pt;">5. This type of collaboration is comparable to the “joint
programs” offered in Latin American universities.</span><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial",sans-serif; font-size: 9.0pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6026526.post-24111411971795494972020-09-12T12:00:00.012-07:002020-09-12T12:08:00.912-07:00<p> <b><span face=""Verdana",sans-serif">The Rescue Operation Priorities in <st1:country-region w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">Haiti [<i> </i></st1:place></st1:country-region></span></b><span style="background-color: white; color: #70757a; font-family: Roboto, arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px;"><i>date published Jan 18, 2010 ]</i></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span face=""Verdana",sans-serif" style="font-size: 11pt;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><i><span face=""Verdana",sans-serif" style="font-size: 10pt;">“The contempt we have
been taught to entertain for blacks, make us fear many things that are founded
neither in reason nor experience.” – Alexander Hamilton in letter to John Hay,
1799.<o:p></o:p></span></i></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><i><span face=""Verdana",sans-serif" style="font-size: 10pt;"> </span></i></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><i><span face=""Verdana",sans-serif" style="font-size: 10pt;">“Only those who hate
the black population, see hatred in blacks” - José Martí, Montecristi Manifesto, 1895<o:p></o:p></span></i></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span face=""Verdana",sans-serif" style="font-size: 11pt;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span face=""Verdana",sans-serif" style="font-size: 11pt;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span face=""Verdana",sans-serif" style="font-size: 11pt;">by
Nelson P Valdés<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span face=""Verdana",sans-serif" style="font-size: 11pt;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span face=""Verdana",sans-serif" style="font-size: 11pt;">The
recent earthquakes that have demolished the city of Port au Prince and its
surroundings have left Haiti stateless, ever poorer, desperate, and in need of
long term global assistance. A worldwide rescue operation has been initiated.
But, it is questionable to what extent the best interests of the people of <st1:country-region w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">Haiti</st1:place></st1:country-region> have been
and will be considered, in the long run. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span face=""Verdana",sans-serif" style="font-size: 11pt;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span face=""Verdana",sans-serif" style="font-size: 11pt;">First,
the foreign aid teams "rescued" and took out of the country the
non-Haitians, particularly the Europeans, Americans, and assorted other tourists.
The Voice of America on Jan. 16 reported: "In the last day or so the <st1:country-region w:st="on">United States</st1:country-region> and French governments have
started running passenger flights out of the country [<st1:country-region w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">Haiti</st1:place></st1:country-region>] for
evacuees from those countries. People
line up and wait for a plane to arrive so they can leave <st1:country-region w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">Haiti</st1:place></st1:country-region> and leave
behind what is a very difficult, traumatic experience for many." [1]<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span face=""Verdana",sans-serif" style="font-size: 11pt;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span face=""Verdana",sans-serif" style="font-size: 11pt;">Second,
five days have gone by without any real significant distribution of medical supplies,
food or water to the neediest people. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span face=""Verdana",sans-serif" style="font-size: 11pt;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span face=""Verdana",sans-serif" style="font-size: 11pt;">The
facts indicate clear priorities: the Haitians are not first in line. In fact, the
rescuers seem to have a widespread fear of the poor and desperate Haitians. A Scottish
reporter said, "aid workers in <st1:country-region w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">Haiti</st1:place></st1:country-region> today called for more
security amid fears of attacks by increasingly desperate earthquake
survivors." [2]<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span face=""Verdana",sans-serif" style="font-size: 11pt;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span face=""Verdana",sans-serif" style="font-size: 11pt;">Yet,
the Haitians have been extraordinarily patient despite the fact that their world has collapsed around them.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span face=""Verdana",sans-serif" style="font-size: 11pt;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span face=""Verdana",sans-serif" style="font-size: 11pt;">The
assistance teams seem reluctant to distribute until they feel secure. Thus, the
<st1:country-region w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">US</st1:place></st1:country-region> the government sent troops to bring aid and the Haitian government dispatched
police to provide “security,” and respond to the exaggerated rumors of "looting."
Indeed, there have been reports that the security squads moved the aid
providers to “secure” places. [3]<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span face=""Verdana",sans-serif" style="font-size: 11pt;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span face=""Verdana",sans-serif" style="font-size: 11pt;">The
Haitian people who wait for basic needs have not been mobilized to work on
their own behalf. Rather, the “humanitarians” treat them as children, with no thought
to providing them with the tools to help themselves. One Haitian consul to <st1:country-region w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">Brazil</st1:place></st1:country-region>, George
Samuel Antoine declared two days ago that any country that happens to have
Africans is cursed! [4] Shades of Pat Robertson and David Brooks. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span face=""Verdana",sans-serif" style="font-size: 11pt;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span face=""Verdana",sans-serif" style="font-size: 11pt;">Seemingly,
the outsiders coming to help the people don’t trust the natives, despite the
fact that the Haitians are dying, hungry, thirsty, sick, homeless, and with most of their families gone or lost.
The Haitian chief of police, like most people in positions of authority, is a
foreigner appointed by the United Nations. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span face=""Verdana",sans-serif" style="font-size: 11pt;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span face=""Verdana",sans-serif" style="font-size: 11pt;">Meanwhile,
the twice elected and twice removed political leader of the Haitians - Jean-Bertrand
Aristide is not permitted to enter his own country. In fact, President Obama
appointed one of those who ousted him - George
W. Bush – to help "supervise"
the "reconstruction" of <st1:country-region w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">Haiti</st1:place></st1:country-region>. Bush merited his appointment
presumably because of the wonderful job he did supervising the post Katrina aid
program. Meanwhile, for all intent and purposes, there is no longer, except
symbolically, a Haitian government.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span face=""Verdana",sans-serif" style="font-size: 11pt;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span face=""Verdana",sans-serif" style="font-size: 11pt;">Perhaps
it is too harsh but it appears as if those in charge think that a few thousand more
Haitians dead would make it easier to control the situation. USA Today has reported, “Rescuers pulled a dehydrated but otherwise uninjured woman from the ruins of a <i><u>luxury hotel</u></i> in the Haitian
capital early Sunday, drawing applause from onlookers who have seen little to
cheer as the body count continued to rise from Tuesday's earthquake.” <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span face=""Verdana",sans-serif" style="font-size: 11pt;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span face=""Verdana",sans-serif" style="font-size: 11pt;">They
expect Haitians to remain patient, without food or water or aid to rescue their
friends and relatives. Haitians are not even informed as to what to expect or
when.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span face=""Verdana",sans-serif" style="font-size: 11pt;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span face=""Verdana",sans-serif" style="font-size: 11pt;">Some
<st1:country-region w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">US</st1:place></st1:country-region>
tv channels have begun broadcasting about Vodou burials. The <st1:country-region w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">US</st1:place></st1:country-region> mass media
has turned the whole tragedy into another narcissistic story about how
Americans handle disasters. Thus, Hillary at one end, and Bill on the other travel
going to <st1:country-region w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">Haiti</st1:place></st1:country-region>
to see for themselves! [5] As if such voyages have inherently curative powers!<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span face=""Verdana",sans-serif" style="font-size: 11pt;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span face=""Verdana",sans-serif" style="font-size: 11pt;">Ironically,
US and NATO can quickly deliver death from the air, but, apparently won’t unleash
their technology and resources to quickly save lives. United Nations tanks have
been sent to different locations throughout what remains of the city,
particularly the poorer neighborhoods such as Cité Soleil. [6] A poor
substitute for food and water.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span face=""Verdana",sans-serif" style="font-size: 11pt;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span face=""Verdana",sans-serif" style="font-size: 11pt;">In
<st1:country-region w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">Afghanistan</st1:place></st1:country-region>
drones fire at will with no one at the Pentagon expressing minimal concern,
yet, in the Haitian case dropping food and water has been avoided “for fear of
riots.” Apparently no one has figured that people will riot because of the
absence of drinking water or food; unless they have to go without either for
enough time so that the Haitians experience a Caribbean version of the final
solution.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span face=""Verdana",sans-serif" style="font-size: 11pt;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span face=""Verdana",sans-serif" style="font-size: 11pt;">On
January 15th, the United Nations' Office for the Coordination of <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span face=""Verdana",sans-serif" style="font-size: 11pt;">Humanitarian
Affairs issued a report stating, "<st1:country-region w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">Haiti</st1:place></st1:country-region> is currently at UN Security
Phase 3. This will implicate ongoing operations in terms of limiting the
ability to move around the city and work at night (which is also hindered by the
lack of electricity). Patrols reported that the situation is calm in general,
but there are reports of stone-throwing at passing vehicles, looting and acts
of vandalism. ICRC has inspected several prisons. The central prison was
completely destroyed, meaning up to 4,000 prisoners have escaped." [7]
Under Security Phase III all international staff and families are relocated
inside or outside the country.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span face=""Verdana",sans-serif" style="font-size: 11pt;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span face=""Verdana",sans-serif" style="font-size: 11pt;">It
is unclear who is directing what. Rear Admiral Ted Branch, the most senior
military official aboard the USS Carl Vinson stated, "We have lift, we have communications, we
have some command and control, but we don't have much relief supplies to offer…We
have no supplies at the airport that we have access to. There are other
supplies there that are under the control of other agencies, other
organizations and we haven't yet coordinated together to make those supplies
available for anyone to deliver." [8] The United Nations and the <st1:country-region w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">US</st1:place></st1:country-region> authorities
on the ground, are telling those who directly want to deliver help not to do so
because they might be attacked by “hungry mobs.” [9] Two cargo planes from
Doctors Without Borders have been forced to land in the <st1:country-region w:st="on">Dominican Republic</st1:country-region> because the shipments have to
be accompanied within Port au Prince by <st1:country-region w:st="on">US</st1:country-region>
military escort, according to the <st1:country-region w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">US</st1:place></st1:country-region> command. [10]<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span face=""Verdana",sans-serif" style="font-size: 11pt;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span face=""Verdana",sans-serif" style="font-size: 11pt;">One
American on the ground summed up the situation: "For the aid to work and
the teams of search and rescue workers to be able to do their job there is
going to need to be a major effort of all people to <u>lay down their own fear</u>
and personal need and allow the help to get to the worst off. Pray that people
will think of others as best they can and that relief will begin to get to the
places it is needed most." [11] Such fears, created and nurtured in colonial
times, have been reproduced for over two hundred years. Alexander Hamilton and <em>José Martí</em></span><em> </em><span face=""Verdana",sans-serif" style="font-size: 11pt;">recognized the
humanity of the former black slaves turned revolutionaries and told us to put our fears aside. As Linda Polman writes in <i>The Times of
London</i> class and racial fear by the rescue teams is costing the
lives of thousands in <st1:country-region w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">Haiti</st1:place></st1:country-region>.
[12]<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span face=""Verdana",sans-serif" style="font-size: 11pt;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span face=""Verdana",sans-serif" style="font-size: 11pt;"> </span></p>
<pre><span face=""Century Gothic",sans-serif" style="font-size: 9pt;"> </span></pre><pre><span face=""Century Gothic",sans-serif" style="font-size: 9pt;"> </span></pre><pre><span face=""Century Gothic",sans-serif" style="font-size: 9pt;"> </span></pre>
<h2 style="margin: 0in;"><span face=""Century Gothic",sans-serif" style="font-size: 9pt; font-weight: normal; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">[1] VOA Correspondent Reports on
relief Efforts in <st1:country-region w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">Haiti</st1:place></st1:country-region>,” VOA News.Com,01/16/10 <o:p></o:p></span></h2>
<h2 style="margin: 0in;"><span face=""Century Gothic",sans-serif" style="font-size: 9pt; font-weight: normal; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;"><a href="http://www1.voanews.com/english/news/americas/VOA-Correspondent-Reports-on-Latest-Relief-Efforts-in-Haiti-81878067.html">http://www1.voanews.com/english/news/americas/VOA-Correspondent-Reports-on-Latest-Relief-Efforts-in-Haiti-81878067.html</a><o:p></o:p></span></h2>
<pre><span face=""Century Gothic",sans-serif" style="font-size: 9pt;"> </span></pre><pre><span face=""Century Gothic",sans-serif" style="font-size: 9pt;">[2] “Fear of Looting as Desperation Among Haiti Earthquake Survivors Take Hold,” Scotsman.com, 01/15/10 <a href="http://www.scotsman.com/news/Fear-of-looting-as-desperation.5986768.jp">http://www.scotsman.com/news/Fear-of-looting-as-desperation.5986768.jp</a><o:p></o:p></span></pre><pre><span face=""Century Gothic",sans-serif" style="font-size: 9pt;"> </span></pre><pre><span face=""Century Gothic",sans-serif" style="font-size: 9pt;">[3] “<st1:country-region w:st="on">Haiti</st1:country-region> Earthquake Updates: Live Blog,” Guardian (<st1:city w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">London</st1:place></st1:city>), 01/15/10<o:p></o:p></span></pre><pre><span face=""Century Gothic",sans-serif" style="font-size: 9pt;"> <a href="http://www.guardian.co.uk/news/blog/2010/jan/15/haiti-earthquake-updates">http://www.guardian.co.uk/news/blog/2010/jan/15/haiti-earthquake-updates</a><o:p></o:p></span></pre><pre><span face=""Century Gothic",sans-serif" style="font-size: 9pt;"> </span></pre><pre><span face=""Century Gothic",sans-serif" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; mso-ansi-language: ES;">[4] “Terremoto no Haiti: Consul Haitiano Afirma Que o Africano em si tem maldicao,” YouTube, 01/14/10 </span><span face=""Century Gothic",sans-serif" style="font-size: 9pt;"><a href="http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9UprgJGm-64"><span lang="ES">http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9UprgJGm-64</span></a></span><span face=""Century Gothic",sans-serif" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; mso-ansi-language: ES;"><o:p></o:p></span></pre><pre><span face=""Century Gothic",sans-serif" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; mso-ansi-language: ES;"> </span></pre><pre><span face=""Century Gothic",sans-serif" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; mso-ansi-language: ES;">[5] “Apocalipsis social en Haiti?”, IAR Noticias, 01/167/10 </span><span face=""Century Gothic",sans-serif" style="font-size: 9pt;"><a href="http://www.aporrea.org/internacionales/n148906.html"><span lang="ES">http://www.aporrea.org/internacionales/n148906.html</span></a></span><span face=""Century Gothic",sans-serif" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; mso-ansi-language: ES;"><o:p></o:p></span></pre><pre><span face=""Century Gothic",sans-serif" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; mso-ansi-language: ES;"> </span></pre><pre><span face=""Century Gothic",sans-serif" style="font-size: 9pt;">[6]”Hillary Clinton Meets With Haiti Leader After Arrival,” CNN, 01/17/10 <a href="http://edition.cnn.com/2010/WORLD/americas/01/16/haiti.earthquake/">http://edition.cnn.com/2010/WORLD/americas/01/16/haiti.earthquake/</a><o:p></o:p></span></pre><pre><span face=""Century Gothic",sans-serif" style="font-size: 9pt;"> </span></pre><pre><span face=""Century Gothic",sans-serif" style="font-size: 9pt;">[7] “<st1:country-region w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">Haiti</st1:place></st1:country-region>: Ocha Sit Rep # 4”<o:p></o:p></span></pre><pre><span face=""Century Gothic",sans-serif" style="font-size: 9pt;"><a href="http://www.reliefweb.int/rw/rwb.nsf/db900sid/MUMA-7ZR22N/$File/full_report.pdf">http://www.reliefweb.int/rw/rwb.nsf/db900sid/MUMA-7ZR22N/$File/full_report.pdf</a><o:p></o:p></span></pre><pre><span face=""Century Gothic",sans-serif" style="font-size: 9pt;"> </span></pre><pre><span face=""Century Gothic",sans-serif" style="font-size: 9pt;">[8] “After a Day of Deliveries, US Ship Runs Out of Aid,” AFP, 01/16/10<o:p></o:p></span></pre><pre><span face=""Century Gothic",sans-serif" style="font-size: 9pt;"><a href="http://www.google.com/hostednews/afp/article/ALeqM5jbVqVxVMqFtwp80YYzMXLkDHk7hw">http://www.google.com/hostednews/afp/article/ALeqM5jbVqVxVMqFtwp80YYzMXLkDHk7hw</a><o:p></o:p></span></pre><pre><span face=""Century Gothic",sans-serif" style="font-size: 9pt;"> </span></pre><pre><span face=""Century Gothic",sans-serif" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; mso-ansi-language: ES;">[9] “RD se vuelca en ayuda a haitianos,” Listin Diario (Dominican Republic), 01/17/10 <o:p></o:p></span></pre><pre><span face=""Century Gothic",sans-serif" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; mso-ansi-language: ES;"><a href="http://www.listin.com.do/app/article.aspx?id=128360">http://www.listin.com.do/app/article.aspx?id=128360</a><o:p></o:p></span></pre><pre><span face=""Century Gothic",sans-serif" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; mso-ansi-language: ES;"> </span></pre>
<h1><span style="font-size: 10pt; font-weight: normal; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">[10] </span><span face=""Century Gothic",sans-serif" style="font-size: 10pt; font-weight: normal; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">“Cargo</span><span face=""Century Gothic",sans-serif" style="font-size: 9pt; font-weight: normal; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;"> Plane With <st1:placename w:st="on">Full</st1:placename>
<st1:placetype w:st="on">Hospital</st1:placetype> and Staff Blocked From
Landing in <st1:city w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">Port-au-Prince</st1:place></st1:city>,”
Doctors Without Borders, 01/17/10.</span> <span face=""Century Gothic",sans-serif" style="font-size: 9pt;"> </span><span class="MsoHyperlink"><span style="font-size: 9pt; font-weight: normal; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">http://doctorswithoutborders.org/press/release.cfm?id=4165&cat=press-release&ref=news-index</span></span><span face=""Century Gothic",sans-serif" style="font-size: 9pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></h1>
<pre><span face=""Century Gothic",sans-serif" style="font-size: 9pt;"> </span></pre><pre><span face=""Century Gothic",sans-serif" style="font-size: 9pt;">[11] “Overwhelming Sadness – Overwhelming Gratitude,” The Livesay [<st1:country-region w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">Haiti</st1:place></st1:country-region>] Weblog, 01/15/10 <a href="http://livesayhaiti.blogspot.com/2010/01/overwhelming-sadness.html">http://livesayhaiti.blogspot.com/2010/01/overwhelming-sadness.html</a><o:p></o:p></span></pre><pre><span face=""Century Gothic",sans-serif" style="font-size: 9pt;"> </span></pre><pre><span face=""Century Gothic",sans-serif" style="font-size: 9pt;">[12] Linda Polman, “Fear of the Por is Hampering Haiti Rescue,” Tomes Online, 01/18/10<o:p></o:p></span></pre><pre><span face=""Century Gothic",sans-serif" style="font-size: 9pt;"> </span></pre><pre><span face=""Century Gothic",sans-serif" style="font-size: 9pt;"> </span></pre><pre><i><span face=""Century Gothic",sans-serif" style="font-size: 11pt;">Nelson P Valdés is Emeritus Professor of Sociology, founder of the <st1:place w:st="on">Latin America</st1:place> Data Base and director of the Cuba-L Project. He is a specialist on <st1:place w:st="on">Latin America</st1:place> and writes for Counter Punch.<o:p></o:p></span></i></pre><pre><i><span face=""Century Gothic",sans-serif" style="font-size: 11pt;"> </span></i></pre><pre><i><span face=""Century Gothic",sans-serif" style="font-size: 11pt;">The author wishes to think the suggestions by Sandra Levinson, Ned Sublette and Saul Landau.<o:p></o:p></span></i></pre>Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6026526.post-30371672661716896292018-07-22T13:19:00.001-07:002018-07-22T13:19:56.358-07:00CUBA 1960 Chronology: Year of Agrarian Reform"<div style="background-color: white; color: #1d2129; font-family: Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; margin-bottom: 6px;">
Below you will find a chronology of events in 1960 in Cuba. Although the information is significant, the importance is the way that events unfolded. This chronology has not been published before. I am the sole author of this document. Please do not use without attribution [write to me]. I hope you find the information useful.</div>
<div style="background-color: white; color: #1d2129; font-family: Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; margin-bottom: 6px; margin-top: 6px;">
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<div style="background-color: white; color: #1d2129; font-family: Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; margin-bottom: 6px; margin-top: 6px;">
CUBA 1960 Chronology: Year of Agrarian Reform"</div>
<div style="background-color: white; color: #1d2129; font-family: Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; margin-bottom: 6px; margin-top: 6px;">
Jan 1 - Fidel Castro led a group of students in climbing the Sierra Maestra mountains to "renovate" the energies of the revolutionary movement, and to "begin" a new revolutionary struggle: that of agrarian reform."</div>
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The Peoples' Republic of China, expresses its "solidarity" with the Cuban government.</div>
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Jan. 6 - Fidel Castro states that one can be a Catholic and a<br />revolutionary and that counter-revolutionary views should not be permitted to hide behind religion.</div>
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Jan. 10 - State Department protests the takeover of some American companies without "adequate" cash compensation.</div>
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Jan. 11 - the Cuban government rejects the State Department's diplomatic note "because it lacked seriousness." In January i960, the Cuban NET GOLD RESERVES amounted to only $49.4 million dollars. Thus, even if the Cuban government wanted to pay cash compensation it could not afford to do so.</div>
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Jan. l4 - Vice-president Nixon declares that "Cuba will have to pay cash compensation or face the consequences."</div>
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Jan. 18 - Fidel Castro calls Vice President Nixon's statement "insolent and threatening."</div>
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Jan. 19 US Ambassador Philip Bonsal is recalled to Washington, D.C.</div>
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Jan. 20 - the US Secretary of State calls Castro's speech of Jan. 18 "insulting".</div>
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Jan. 21 - Fidel orders the Ambassador of Spain to leave the country immediately after the ambassador stated over a TV program that the communists were attempting to destroy 'democracy' and 'Christianity' in Cuba.</div>
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Jan. 21 - The Soviet press agency Tass established a news agreement with Prensa Latina; each side provides would provide news analysis to the other, thus challenging the monopoly exercised by UPI and AP.</div>
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Jan. 22 The US ambassador to Cuba, the US President and members of the State Department discuss American policy toward Cuba.</div>
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Jan. 26 - The State Department issued a statement on US policy towards Cuba. It said the following: 1) the US adheres to the policy of NONINTERVENTION 2) The US does not approve of illegal acts originating in US territory against Cuba 3) The US views "with increasing concern" the speeches by Cuban authorities which create the "ILLUSION OF AGGRESSION" which does not facilitate good relations 4) The US government "recognizes the right of Cuba to pass any laws it deems necessary but believes Cuba is obligated to pay adequate, prompt, cash compensation" to foreigners.</div>
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Jan. 28 President Dwight Eisenhower states in public: " I should like only to add that the U.S. Government has confidence IN THE ABILITY OF THE CUBAN PEOPLE to recognize and defeat the intrigues of international communism in Cuba and the traditional and mutually beneficial friendship between the Cuban and American people."</div>
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Jan. 28 - Cuban President Osvaldo Dorticós declares that both sides (the governments of the U.S. and Cuba) have made mistakes and that Cuba is willing to negotiate all matters dealing with the U.S." The U.S. government did NOT reply to the Cuban initiative.</div>
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Jan. 28 Five sugar mills were burned in Camaguey province by counterrevolutionaries. Three sugar mills were burned in Oriente province.</div>
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Jan. 30 12,500 tons of sugar cane were burned as a US plane dropped white phosphorous on the fields.</div>
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Feb. 4 - Anastas Mikoyan Soviet Deputy Premier, arrived in Cuba heading a Russian industrial exposition which has traveled throughout the US and Mexico.</div>
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Feb. 5 The US government declined a Brazilian offer to mediate between Cuba and U.S.</div>
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Feb. 5 - US President asked the US Congress for special powers to cut the sugar quota to Cuba.</div>
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Feb. 6 - Fidel Castro opened the Soviet Industrial Exposition by noting the "great achievements" of the U.S.S.R.</div>
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Feb. 13 The Cuban government signed a trade agreement with the Soviet Union.</div>
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Feb. 14 President Eisenhower declared that the trade agreement with the Soviets could be interpreted as a Russian invasion of the US sphere of influence and a challenge to "hemispheric security"</div>
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Feb. 18 American citizen Robert E Forst died when flying an airplane that exploded in mid-air while going over Cuban territory (without permission).</div>
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Feb 20 Cuba government signed a commercial agreement with East Germany.</div>
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Feb. 22 - Cuban Foreign Minister personally delivered a diplomatic note to Washington expressing interest to renew conversations.</div>
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Feb. 23 - Fidel Castro in a speech calls on the United States government to abstain from any unilateral action that might destroy the relations between both nations. The State Department declares " it will negotiate but "without any conditions. That is, the US government would not agree on cutting the sugar quota or abstaining from cutting it. To the Cubans, this meant that the U.S. planned to cut the sugar quota.</div>
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March 4 Explosion of the- munitions ship La Coubre in Havana harbor, causing 70 deaths, over 2-- wounded.<br />All radio and television stations create a network to transmit all major government acts and speeches.</div>
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March 6 - Fidel Castro declared that it was possible that the CIA was behind the La Coubre explosion as a way of stopping Cuba from arming itself against any invasion.</div>
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March 7 - The US State Department publicly calls Castro's allegations "shocking and without foundations."</div>
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Mar. 9 The Havana liberal newspaper El Mundo was confiscated by the government.</div>
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March 11 US citizen arrested at Havana airport attempting to hijack an airplane<br />.<br />March 13 - Fidel Castro sent a diplomatic message to the State Department saying that Cuba had no proof of American sabotage, but that Cuba had the "right to wonder whether those who want to destroy our revolution by economic means will stop short of other means."</div>
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March 14 The State Department declared in a position paper that the Cuban revolution seemed to have moved closer to communism. [At the time the Central Intelligence Agency had reports that contradicted the State Department]</div>
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March 16 - Law No. 757 established the Junta Central de Planificación (JUCEPLAN) with the mission to plan the economic development of the island.</div>
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March 17 THE U.S. PRESIDENT TELLS THE CIA TO BEGIN THE TRAINING OF CUBAN EXILES IN ORDER TO OVERTHROW CASTRO. [Note: the training of exiles actually began, at least, one month earlier]</div>
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March 18 - Brazil's government offers to mediate. The U.S. government turned down the offer again.</div>
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Mar. 19 - US Ambassador Philip Bonsal again returns to Cuba after having participated in discussions to plan the creation of an exile military force to invade the island.</div>
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March 21 - US Secretary of State at a press conference asserts that the Cuban government was dominated by Communist sympathizers.</div>
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March 22 H.L. Runoquist and Wm. Skergalen died after their small planes were shot in Cuban airspace. The two were involved in sabotaging sugar mills.</div>
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March 25 - Cuba protests the charges made by the Secretary of State (Two days previously the State Department announced that a new agency had been set up to control air flights of small planes in the southern US. But information had to be provided on a voluntary basis. Airplane sabotage from<br />US territory continued.)</div>
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March 27 - An elementary school for 800 students is established in the Sierra Maestra in memory of Jose A. Antonio Echeverria (who died on March 13, 1957, during the attack of the Presidential Palace).</div>
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March 31 Cuban government signed a commercial agreement with Poland.</div>
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April 8 In a letter to the Federation of Chilean University students, President Eisenhower accused Fidel Castro of BETRAYING THE IDEALS OF THE CUBAN REVOLUTION.</div>
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Apr. 9 Fidel Castro stated at a press conference that the American president, a reactionary, has no right whatever to judge the Cuban revolution for that is an internal matter that concerns only Cubans.</div>
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Apr. 18 Nicaragua government breaks diplomatic relations with Cuba. [At the time the CIA began preparations for the training of Cuban exiles there].</div>
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Apr. 19 President Osvaldo Dorticós refutes President Eisenhower and asks him why he was not concerned with the destiny of Cuba when Batista ruled as a ruthless dictator. "Where was Mr. Eisenhower when napalm was dropped on<br />Cuban peasants? Where was Mr. Eisenhower when the press was not allowed to express its views?" Dorticos denounced the US government for putting pressure on Cuba in order to defeat the country's hopes for social justice.</div>
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The first Soviet oil tanker arrived to Havana.</div>
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Apr. 20 The State Department in a public statement called the Cuban government a "dictatorship."</div>
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Apr. 21 Fidel Castro answered the State Department by noting that almost everyone on the island supported the government and that the problem was that the U.S. government only represented the interests of the minority: "To<br />them, democracy is to respect the interests of a minority. Dictatorship, to them, is to defend the needs and demands of the majority of the people."</div>
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Apr. 22 Honduras broke relations with Cuba.</div>
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Apr. 25 The Cuban Foreign Minister charges that the CIA HAS BEGUN THE TRAINING OF EXILES IN GUATEMALA. (This was true.)</div>
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Establishment of the Banco de Comercio Exterior which becomes the only exporter and importer of goods. The state begins to control foreign trade.</div>
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Apr. 28 - Guatemalan government denied any military training was taking place and ended diplomatic relations with Cuba. [The Guatemalan government lied].</div>
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May 1 Fidel Castro charged the US government with recruiting counterrevolutionaries to overthrow the revolutionary government. At the time the CIA had organized, funded and coordinated the Frente Revolucionario Democratico en el Exilio - made up of 5 exile groups: the Movimiento de<br />Recuperación Revolucionario (middle class, Havana based, Catholic); Rescate Revolucionario (some old Autánticos); Democratico Cubano (small Christian democratic group, young); the Asociacion Montecristi (anti-communist<br />a professional group, closely connected to the Autánticos); and the Frente Nacional Triple A and the CIA (a split-off from the Autánticos). [Note: The old Ortodoxos were not as involved in this effort].</div>
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May 5 The headquarters of the University Students Federation at the University of Habana was blown up by a huge bomb placed by counter-revolutionaries.</div>
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May 6 - Jacques Monard [Ramón Mercader - a Spaniard] - the man who killed Leon Trotsky in Mexico, arrived in Havana after more than 20 years in prison. the Mexican President, Adolfo Lopez Mateos, at the time, was a CIA asset.</div>
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May 8 Diplomatic relations between Cuba and the USSR were formally established.</div>
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May 12 Ernest Duke, American pilot, shot over the city of Havana as he was dropping incendiary bombs.</div>
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May 13 The workers of the pro-Francisco Franco newspaper Diario de la Marina refuse to print the newspaper after an editorial openly supported the US position against the revolutionary regime. The 100 years old Spanish conservative newspaper was closed. Its facilities were to be used to print literary classics and children's books. The paper was symbolically "buried" by thousands of Cubans. In 1895 the paper celebrated the death of José Martí.</div>
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May 16 Cuba and Czechoslovakia established diplomatic relations. The same day the Catholic Church in Havana issued a pastoral letter declaring that communism was at "doorstep." [Meaning the doorstep of the United States].</div>
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May 28 - All economic and military aid to Cuba was cancelled by the U .S. government.</div>
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June 1- First Cuban delegation arrived in Moscow. The USSR announces the selling of oil to Cuba.</div>
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June 6- Foreign oil companies in the island informed the Cuban government that they do not intend to refine Soviet crude oil.</div>
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June 6 The U.S. State Department again called the Cuban revolution "communist."</div>
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June 6- Paraguay broke diplomatic relations with Cuba.</div>
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June 9 - Fidel Castro declared in a speech that the U.S. government was "paving the way for a military invasion by calling the revolution 'communist."</div>
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June 11- Cuban government orders foreign oil refineries to process state oil purchased from the USSR. (A clarification note: On May 17 the National Bank of Cuba, run by Che Guevara at the time, sent each US oil company in<br />Cuba a letter. The letter informed them that the trade agreement reached with the Russians involved the exchange of Cuban sugar for Russian crude oil. The letter went on to state that the US refineries in Cuba could still buy some of their supplies abroad but that 300,000 tons of Russian crude oil would be furnished to them since it would save Cuban capital. In other words, oil refineries had to BUY some oil from the Cuban state at the CHEAPER rate than what they paid to their own subsidiaries. But by June 11, the companies REFUSED to refine the crude oil.</div>
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June 15 Two FBI agents and US embassy employees were arrested at a private home accused of conspiring against the Cuban government. All were declared persona non grata and sent to the United States.</div>
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June 27- Fidel Castro at a speech states that "whomever 1s anti-communist is, by definition, a counterrevolutionary."</div>
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June 28 U.S. refineries in Cuba were asked to refine the Soviet oil and once again refused to do so.</div>
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July 1 - The Cuban State "intervenes" all US and British oil refineries. ('Intervention" is NOT confiscation. It means that the state takes over the administrative aspect of the enterprise but the company remains private. The profits still go the private owners.)</div>
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July 5 - THE U.S. PRESIDENT CUTS THE QUOTA OF SUGAR ALLOTED TO CUBA FOR THE REST OF THE YEAR. That is, Cuba can not sell 700,000 tons of sugar to the<br />United States.</div>
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José Miró Cardona, former Prime Minister of the revolutionary government, seeks asylum in the Argentine Embassy.</div>
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July 6 - Cuban government issued Nationalization Law, giving the Cuban state the power to take over all foreign, including American assets.</div>
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July 8 - Fidel Castro calls the cutting the sugar quota an act of "economic aggression. " He promised that the revolutionary regime would take over all US property on the island if Cuba permanently lost its share of the quota.</div>
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July 9 - the USSR agrees to buy whatever Cuban sugar the U. S. refused to buy.</div>
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July 10 - At a mass meeting outside the Presidential Palace, Che Guevara thanks the USSR and declares that "Cuba is a glorious island in the center of the Caribbean, defended the rockets of the greatest power in history."</div>
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July 17 - Havana Cathedral holds mass "to remember all the victims of communism."</div>
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July 25 First commercial treaty between China and Cuba was signed.</div>
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July 26 - Fidel Castro states that the Andes will be the future Sierra Maestra of Latin America. He states that the conditions for social revolution are also present in Latin America.</div>
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July 30 - The First Latin American Youth Congress held in Havana. Student activists from the hemisphere met in the island.</div>
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August 6 - Cuban government nationalized 36 sugar mills, the Telephone Company, all property of US capital. These properties amounted to $800 million.</div>
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August 7 - Catholic Church issues another pastoral letter denouncing communism Cuba.</div>
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Aug. 15 - The Organization of American States at a meeting in Costa Rica issues a declaration condemning Cuba for its radicalism, the takeover of foreign property and charged that Cuba was controlled by international communism. The statement was prepared by the United States government.<br />Aug. 16 Cuba celebrates the anniversary of the death of Eduardo Chibás.</div>
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Aug. 17 - Arrival of first Soviet Ambassador to Cuba.</div>
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September 2 - The Cuban revolutionary government calls the biggest rally ever held in the country. The rally is in answer to the OAS declaration. The Cuban revolutionaries issue a counter document, known as the First Declaration of Havana.<br />September 3 - The government of Taiwan broke relations with Cuba as Havana established formal diplomatic relations with the People's Republic of China.</div>
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September 4 - Cuban government withdrew from the Inter-American Defense Treaty and also from the Military Pact it had with the United States.</div>
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September 8 - Three US embassy personnel are declared persona non grata for engaging in counter-revolutionary activities and expelled.</div>
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Sept. 14 - Fidel Castro arrived in New York to attend the 15th Assembly of the United Nations. There he denounces the US for preparing a military invasion of Cuba. The US delegate denied the charges.</div>
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Sept. 15 - Cuban private corporations began a lockout/boycott of the government, hoping to overthrow it. But the government confiscates their holdings instead.</div>
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Sept. 16 - Cuba and Hungary established diplomatic relations.</div>
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Sept. 17 - All U.S. banks are nationalized in Cuba.</div>
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Sept. 18 - Ernesto Che Guevara announced that Cuba has received weapons from Czechoslovakia.</div>
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Sept. 26 - Fidel Castro delivers an historic speech before the General Assembly of the United Nations. He enumerated all the economic and military aggressions committed against Cuba since 1959. He also defined his political and social program, announcing that by 1961 Cuba will eradicate illiteracy. He demanded US withdrawal from Guantanamo Base and urged the US government to leave behind it the "philosophy of war and plunder."</div>
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The same day Soviet weapons began to arrive in Cuba.</div>
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Sept. 28 - Fidel Castro returns to Havana and gives a speech about his trip to the U.N. While he speaks at Revolution Square [Plaza de la Revolución], several bombs explode. The idea occurs to him during the speech to create some institution to defend the revolution against the reactionaries, so the Committees for the Defense of the Revolution are formed. [Note a similar measure was taken by the French revolutionaries under Maximilien Robespierre in 1791]</div>
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October 6 - Four US citizens apparently working for the Us government landed in the north coast of Cuba and were captured and imprisoned.</div>
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Oct. 7 - Cuba and Bulgaria established commercial relations.<br />Oct. 11 - U.S. citizen captured in Escambray mountains, he was part of a counterrevolutionary guerrilla group.</div>
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Oct. 13 - All Cuban and foreign banks nationalized. (The Canadian banks were purchased.) 182 foreign enterprises were confiscated. Thus by mid-October, a large portion of the means of production was already under state control. (376 Cuban enterprises were nationalized too).</div>
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Oct. 14 - Urban Reform Law establishes that all dwellings then rented will become state property, although owners will keep receiving rents until they die. People paying rent will end up as owners (rents became amortization payments).</div>
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Oct. 19 - the US PROHIBITS THE SHIPMENT OF ALL GOODS TO CUBA, medicine excepted.</div>
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Oct. 20 - any US property remaining in Cuba was nationalized.</div>
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Oct. 21 - the Association of Rebel Youth was created. (Later it will become the youth section of the Communist Party.)</div>
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Oct. 21 US Ambassador Bonsal was recalled to the U.S. Bonsal never returned.</div>
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Oct. 26 - Cuba and Rumania established diplomatic relations.<br />Oct. 28 - Che Guevara left Cuba for a commercial and diplomatic tour of the USSR, Eastern Europe and China.</div>
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Nov. 7 - 700 Russian technicians arrived to Cuba.</div>
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Nov. 12 - Major Rolando Cubela, head of the Federation of University students, in a public speech charges the Catholic Church with having "esbirros con sotanas" (i.e. torturers passing as priests) within its ranks. [Years later Cubela will be known as AMLASH - a covert CIA agent within the<br />Cuban government. Cubela was a member of the Directorio Revolucionario that fought against Fulgencio Batista. He was NOT a member of the 26th of July Movement. After 1959 he did not play a significant role in the revolutionary regime].</div>
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Nov. l4 - The C.I.A. charges that at least 12 Russian ships have unloaded weapons in Cuba since July 1960.</div>
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Nov. 16 - The Cuban government puts on trial American mercenaries that had been captured since 1959.</div>
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Nov. 22 - The People's Republic of China agrees to send 600 technicians to organize agricultural cooperatives.</div>
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Nov. 30 - China promises to purchase one million tons of sugar in 1961 and grants Cuba a credit worth $60 million for a five year period</div>
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Dec. 2 - Cuba and North Vietnam established diplomatic and commercial relations.</div>
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Dec. 15 - Cuba and Albania established diplomatic ties.</div>
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Dec. 16 - President Eisenhower cancels the Cuban sugar quota for 1961.</div>
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Dec. 17 - Cuba and Hungary established relations.</div>
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Dec. 20 - Che Guevara announces to the Cuban people a large industrialization program that he said would make the country an industrial nation in ten years.</div>
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Dec. 23 - All major newspapers had been confiscated by then.</div>
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Dec. 27 - The Ambassador of the People's Republic of China arrives in Havana.</div>
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Dec. 30 - Peru broke diplomatic and commercial relations with Cuba.</div>
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NOTE -- Throughout December, all military forces in Cuba were placed at readiness expecting an invasion from the U.S.- believed to be imminent. This was the end of Eisenhower administration. The Kennedy administration would come to office in January 1961. The Cuban government assumed that during the transition there might be a military invasion since the Central Intelligence Agency was training Cuban exiles in Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua and Panama.</div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6026526.post-77904358556190816982014-09-07T20:51:00.001-07:002014-09-07T20:51:30.839-07:00La Cachita Y El Ché: Patron Saints Of Revolutionary Cuba<h3> </h3> <p>September 8, 2014 <p>By Nelson P. Valdés as told to Nan Elsasser* in 1989 <p>They are an unlikely duo: she is self-centered and he is self-sacrificing.<br>She likes to dance; he thinks it’s a waste of time. She is a hedonist; he is<br>a fervent Marxist. She is originally from Africa; he was born in Argentina.<br>About all they have in common is striking good looks and the love and<br>adoration of the Cuban people who have adopted them. <p>Official Cuba lionizes Ché Guevara, the hero who fought his way to power by<br>Fidel Castro’s side and was killed by government soldiers in Bolivia. When<br>Cuban soldiers return from supporting the Marxist regime in Angola, they are<br>awarded medals for following “el camino del Ché” (the path of Ché). Yet<br>within a few days of receiving their medals, the same soldiers will visit<br>Cachita’s shrine and leave their medals among the gifts of her devotees. <p>Cuba’s political, economic, and cultural life rests significantly on a shaky<br>compromise between the values represented by Cachita and Ché. <p>The Santuario/Basilica of Caridad del Cobre, called Cachita, the patron<br>saint of Cuba, is 12 miles west of the city of Santiago, over 400 kilometers<br>east of the Museo de La Revolución in Havana. It is at the Ermita, as well<br>as at the museum, that the rich history of revolutionary Cuba is on<br>display, flickering in the shadows of votive candles. In the half-light of<br>the tiny flames is the vial of hometown dirt that orbited the planet with<br>Comandante Tamayo, the first and only Cuban astronaut; gold, silver, and<br>bronze medals from the recent Pan American games in Indianapolis; and<br>petitions from Fidel’s mother from the days when her son was fighting in the<br>sierra nearby. Side by side with these artifacts of national unity and<br>revolutionary sacrifice are letters requesting a new car or a bigger<br>apartment, and the traditional honey and cigar left in exchange for good<br>sex. <p>In this small island nation, the fact that young communist<br>internacionalistas, the spiritual heirs of Ché, pay homage to a virgin from<br>Spanish colonial times surprises no one. Nor does the fact that Caridad,<br>alleged mother of God, most sacred of Catholic icons, bears the decidedly<br>unholy nickname of “Cachita,” central character of a popular song that<br>choruses: “Cachita está alborotá, ahora baila el cha cha chá (Cachita is<br>wild now she’s dancing the cha cha cha).” <p>Caridad del Cobre is not what she appears to be. And hundreds of thousands<br>of Cubans know the truth: Cachita Caridad del Cobre is neither Catholic,<br>Spanish, nor white. She is Oshún, the mulatto goddess of pleasure. An<br>African hedonist masquerading as a Spanish saint, a Catholic shrine in a<br>communist country, consumerist dreams in a revolutionary setting – Caridad<br>del Cobre epitomizes the contradictions and combinations of Cuban life. In<br>the past and in the present, Cubans have learned to live comfortably with<br>the combination of power politics and mystical imagery. <p>In a country accustomed to signs from the other world, it was logical, for<br>example, that Fulgencio Batista chose December 31 [rather than January 1st]<br>to abandon power and flee to the Dominican Republic. For Cubans, it is<br>essential to leave the old year’s problems behind before a new year begins.<br>On the last day of December housewives all over Cuba “se hacen la limpieza”;<br>they throw a bucket of water on the floor of the innermost room and sweep it<br>through the house and out the front door, pushing evil spirits along with<br>the dirty water. If Batista had remained, he would have been burdened<br>throughout the coming year with the bad karma of his defeat. <p>Nor were Habaneros surprised when a relatively unknown Fidel Castro<br>descended from the mountains of Oriente. Since Spaniards first landed in<br>Cuba with boatloads of human cargo in the early 1500s, the easternmost<br>province has been a refuge for those escaping tyranny. For the past three<br>hundred years, Santiago and the mountains that surround it have been the<br>actual and symbolic home of freedom. a cradle of rebellion, and the<br>preferred territory of the African gods called santos. In Oriente, where<br>Santería (the worship of African gods with the names of Catholic saints) is<br>the dominant religion, everyone understood when Fidel came down from the<br>mountain and told the assembled masses, ” . .I do not speak in my name. I<br>speak in the name of the thousands and thousands … who made victory<br>possible. I speak in the name of our dead … This time the dead will<br>continue to be in command.” It does not really matter that Castro was<br>probably expressing his heartfelt commitment to those who died in the<br>struggle to overturn Batista. <p>To believers, those words, like the white eleke (necklace) he wore around<br>his neck, were a sure sign that the gods were speaking through Fidel. Any<br>doubts were dispelled on January 8, when Fidel first entered Havana and<br>addressed the Cuban nation. I remember that day, because my family owned the<br>only TV on the block. Everyone in the neighborhood was either in our living<br>room, standing in the doorway, or looking in through the front window. We<br>were all listening to Fidel with one ear and to a neighbor with the other.<br>Until, seemingly from nowhere, three doves appeared and, illuminated by<br>television lights, circled Camp Columbia where Fidel was speaking. As if on<br>cue, one landed on the podium, and all of Cuba went silent. When the second<br>dove perched on Fidel’s shoulder, people gasped, then began chanting,<br>“Fi-del. Fi-del.” Over the years, many interpretations of this phenomenon<br>have circulated. The New York Times said the dove symbolized the dawn of<br>peace in a troubled land; the conservative Cuban press claimed the Holy<br>Spirit had blessed the revolution. Both missed the mark because, appearances<br>notwithstanding, neither Catholic nor Marxist-Leninist interpretations of<br>reality have deep roots in Cuba. Behind the icons and the anti-imperialist<br>billboards beat Santería drums. <p>Originally, Santería was a new world synthesis of various animist religions<br>from southwest Nigeria. When threatened by Spanish slave owners for<br>practicing heathen rites, African slaves clothed their beliefs in the<br>protective coloring of<br>Catholicism, and a new synthesis occurred. Today, the two religions share<br>the same altars, the same images, sacred dates, and even prayers. In January<br>1988, Jaime Ortega, the archbishop of Havana visited the chapel of Santa<br>Barbara in nearby Guines (reputed to be a “bewitched” town). He was moved by<br>the profound devotion be observed, which be chose to interpret as a<br>manifestation of strong Catholic faith. But this chapel is maintained by<br>santeros, not priests. And while the forms of these two religions overlap,<br>the content does not. The eighty-year-old mayordomo who cleans and protects<br>the church will tell you that the real power dwells behind the statue of<br>Santa Barbara in the otá, or sacred stone of Changó. What distinguishes otá<br>from other stones is that sacred stones are alive. They grow up and have<br>children, assuring worshippers of a steady supply of supernatural energy. <p>The otá is not the only difference between Catholicism and Santería.<br>According to santero theology, Olofi created the universe. Initially, his<br>creation was immobile, but soon, bored with the static cosmos, be added<br>plants, animals, flowers, seas, clouds, rain, human beings, and more than<br>three hundred male and female gods called orishas. Each orisha, or santo,<br>bears both an African Yoruba name and a Catholic name, as well as unique<br>personalities and powers. Obatalá, for example, is unimpressed by money.<br>Oshún, on the other hand, adores it, although she prefers a good party.<br>Elegguá alone determines the future. What he predicts cannot be forestalled<br>by man, woman, or other gods. <p>Unfortunately, by populating the heavens with so many strong characters,<br>Olofi had also created interminable wrangling. Tired of endless conflict, he<br>chose Obatalá to rule over other gods and human beings, who were also<br>behaving poorly. Obatalá, who speaks through Fidel, is the leader, the god<br>of thinking and consciousness. He is also the god of justice. <p>In Santería, both men and women serve as santeros. Over them are the<br>babalawos, who have the power to make animal sacrifices, initiate believers<br>into the religion and read the future with the Ifá oracle or with the eight<br>largest pieces of a smashed coconut shell. Although there is a titular<br>“king” of babalawos, he lacks the theocratic and administrative control of a<br>Catholic pope. There are no “Thou shalt nots” that apply to all in Santeria.<br>Believers do not attain salvation through good works and a pure heart. They<br>get what they want in direct proportion to the adequacy of their offerings<br>and following what your orisha expects. <p>The santos communicate their feelings via the orishas, or supernatural<br>messengers. White doves are the messengers of Obatalá, the right-hand man of<br>the god of all creation. Thus when the bird landed on Fidel, everyone<br>watching knew that Castro was blessed; he was El Elegido (The Chosen One).<br>Since then, Fidel bas been called El Caballo (the Horse), the term used to<br>designate someone whom an orisha has mounted and possessed. <p>On January 8, 1989, thirty years after the triumph of the Cuban revolution,<br>Fidel spoke once again from Camp Columbia, and once again a white dove<br>perched on his shoulder. He spoke of sacrifice, commitment, and hard work,<br>and he invoked the spirit of Ché. But masses of Cubans attending the annual<br>event saw and heard the spirit of Obatalá – whether the dove, like the site,<br>was orchestrated, is irrelevant. What is important is the continuing<br>influence of Santería on Cuban popular culture, and, consequently, on<br>political life. Contemporary Cuban values are rooted in a past without hope.<br>Africans who had been seized and transported in chains across an ocean,<br>deprived of family, land, and language, had little incentive to believe in<br>their power to shape the future. Unlike Pilgrims, Puritans, and even<br>indentured servants, their futures were determined by the whims of a slave<br>master. In this despondent milieu, Santería was born and flourished. And in<br>times, led to revolts. A stepchild of medieval Catholicism and African<br>polytheism, Santería is the antithesis of Calvinism. <p>The descendants of slaves and landless peasants were convinced by the slave<br>plantation that material and spiritual well-being is not the reward for hard<br>work and clean living. Three hundred years of experience taught them that<br>happiness is fleeting and often achieved only at someone else’s expense.<br>Whether you acquire a new house or lose the one you already have, whether<br>the sugar content of cane is high or low, whether the economy prospers or<br>stagnates, depends not on budgeting, technology, or international banking<br>policies; it is in the hands of a pantheon of capricious gods. The Cuban<br>revolution has attempted to change that. <p>When Oshún asks for a sacrifice, she expects you to kill a pigeon; she is<br>unimpressed by Ché’s sacrifice, the kind where you die fighting<br>imperialists. Nor is she impressed by a capitalist working others or himself<br>to death, accumulating money for the benefit of generations down the road. A<br>people who worship the goddess of sex, lover of gold, and patron of parties<br>is not a people favorably disposed to endure the hardships required to<br>surmount economic dependency and construct socialism. Yet, Santería has<br>taught endurance. <p>No one knows this better than Fidel Castro. For thirty years, Fidel, chief<br>apostle of revolutionary sacrifice, has dedicated himself to transforming<br>the ideology of the Cuban people; for thirty years he bas exhorted his<br>people to scorn the siren Cachita for the selfless Ché. <p>As perestroika rolled across the former Soviet Union and much of eastern<br>Europe, Fidel pushed “rectification” – a return to asceticism, voluntarism,<br>and collectivism. Political pundits interpreted Fidel’s endless sermons as a<br>direct challenge to Gorbachev’s neo capitalist policies. But Castro’s devil<br>was not Russian; she was/is a happy-go-lucky, mulatto goddess who cha-chas<br>to the name of Cachita. In a 1979 speech, Castro said, ” .. the most<br>powerful weapon … is an ethic, a consciousness, a sense of duty, a sense<br>of organization, discipline, and responsibility.” <p>Castro knows that to bring prosperity and socialism to an underdeveloped<br>society, he must provide Cuban citizens with a revolutionary version of the<br>Protestant ethic. He has to make people believe in their power to shape<br>their individual and collective futures. They must have faith that in their<br>labor lies the foundation for the future. In other words, they must emulate<br>Ché, a man who gave everything and asked nothing in return, a guerrilla who<br>believed devoutly in his ability to shape the forces of history by sheer<br>willpower. To this end, whenever children in the Young Pioneers (a Cuban<br>version of the Boy Scouts and Girl Scouts. organized by the Communist Party)<br>set off to work in the fields or march in a parade, they raise their right<br>band and pledge, “Seremos como el Ché (We will be like Ché).’ <p>Ironically, the same government which expends tremendous energy inculcating<br>revolutionary values has inadvertently enhanced the power and prestige of<br>Santería. When Castro assumed control of Cuba, be did not exhort the poor to<br>construct socialism through voluntary labor. As the bourgeoisie fled, the<br>revolutionaries seized their assets and distributed them among their former<br>servants, prompting the poet Nicolás Guillén, to write: “Te lo prometió<br>Martí y Fidel te lo cumplió.” (What Martí – hero of the Cuban war for<br>independence – promised, Fidel delivered). <p>In Santeria, promesa is a contract with a god-if you make an adequate<br>offering, your petition is granted. This unexpected bonanza reinforced many<br>people’s belief in magic. According to the First Party Congress in 1975,<br>Santería was permissible as folklore, a relic of an ignorant past. When<br>religious superstitions failed to wither away, the ever-pragmatic Castro did<br>more than recognize them: he permitted a national association of babalawos,<br>invited the Nigerian king of all santeros for a visit and promised to build<br>a temple and hold a national congress of santeros. In the interim, Santería<br>benefited from the revolutionary leadership’s confrontations with the<br>Catholic Church. As the authority of recognized “official” religion was<br>curtailed then, the influence of Santería expanded to fill the vacuum. <p>Finally, Santería’s prestige was augmented by the mass movement of Cuban<br>troops and technicians to Africa, where religions similar to Santería are<br>practiced openly. More than 200,000 Cubans have visited the motherland over<br>the last ten years. This re-acquaintance, instigated by the government, has<br>made it more difficult to repress African-inspired religions. <p>Castro is not unaware of the extraordinary convergence between Santería and<br>revolutionary holy days, nor is he above manipulating their significance.<br>January 1, the day of El Triunfo, is also Elegguá’s day. July 26, officially<br>commemorated as the commencement of the struggle against Batista, is also<br>celebrated as the day of St. Ann, mother of Mary, who, as any Cuban can tell<br>you, is really the benevolent Nana Burukú, goddess of Justice and mother of<br>Babalú-ayé. No one knows if it is coincidence or foresight that the red and<br>black of the 26th of July Movement happened to be the colors of this<br>powerful goddess. <p>But relying on signs from the gods is risky business. In 1987, the Ifa<br>Oracle, the annual prediction for the new year, announced that Castro would<br>die unless the Yoruba “king of kings; , the “great Oni” of babalawos,<br>traveled to Cuba and kissed the ground. The revolutionary government duly<br>issued the invitation, and a picture of the great Oni arriving at the José<br>Martí Airport in Havana graced the front page of Granma, the newspaper of<br>the Communist Party. Reportedly, the Nigerian kissed the ground. Fidel did<br>not die. And neither has Santería. Contemporary Cuban politics is the child<br>of an unlikely marriage. The children of the revolution admire Ché, their<br>handsome, idealistic leader; they worship Cachita, their beautiful,<br>fun-loving mother, and they hope to grow up to be both. <p>*Nan Elsasser is a free-lance writer and has lived and taught in the Caribbean.</p> Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6026526.post-43095268707438021912014-08-31T16:42:00.001-07:002014-08-31T16:42:15.132-07:00INTERVIEW WITH NELSON VALDÉS ABOUT THE 1930s and 1940s in Cuban Politics<p> <p>by Ned Sublette<br>[[Interview conducted on February 18, 2004 by Ned Sublette of Afro-Pop Worldwide]]</p> <p><br><strong>Ned Sublette: We're going to be talking today about a period that does not receive as much attention as perhaps it ought to when people look at Cuban history. There's a lot of material about 1959, and there's a lot of material about the Spanish-American war, but it seems to me like the '30s were less studied. Would you agree with that?<br></strong></p> <p>Nelson Valdés: Yes, that's certainly the case.<br></p> <p><strong>NS: And it seems to me like it's a very interesting and a key period to understand in Cuban history, if you want to understand what happened after that.<br></strong></p> <p>NV: For Cuba, anyway, the twentieth century in a sense begins in 1898, when the U.S. takes over the island, so the period from 1898 to 1933 is the most extraordinary period in the history of the island, in the sense of the most profound and dramatic and quite radical changes that took place at that moment.<br></p> <p><strong>NS: Could you explain what was this turmoil that shook Cuba in the early 30s? What happened?</strong><br></p> <p>NV: I think there are two different things to consider if we begin with the base point that by August and September 1933 a revolutionary upheaval brings to power a revolutionary government that will last one hundred days, from September 1933 to early January 1934. How did that come about? And I think there are two things to consider.</p> <p>One is the precipitant, that which sort of sparks this major revolutionary insurrection, and that of course is related to the Depression, which began in 1929, and Cuba of course had a <br>huge unemployment by 1933, a regime that was led by what we now would call neoliberals, who had a policy basically of free trade, laissez-faire, the state does not intervene, sort of what like you had in the U.S. at the same time. And of course, whatever the upheaval was in the U.S., it was multiplied by a hundred in Cuba. So you had very high unemployment and all kinds of social dislocations going on because of the Depression. And there is a sergeants' revolt – the first in the history of Latin America - in which noncommissioned officers revolt against their officers and put a number of civilians in power. Now that is the event, but one has to actually be aware of what was happening in Cuba between 1898 and the time of the Depression. And first is, of course, a frustrated nationalism. The Cubans had been fighting for independence. Spanish colonial rule ended in 1898, but the U.S. then seized and took over the island, and remade Cuba, in a sense, by changing everything from the language that those in power used, to changing the legislation, the property relations, even the <br>very definition of what was beautiful and what was desirable in terms of clothing, and so forth. So you had a society that was going through major radical changes imposed from above by U.S. economic, political, and military power, and now there is an upheaval from below by 1933 reacting to the old institutions that the U.S. had created in the neo colony of Cuba at the time. So I think it's these two very long-term processes as well as the precipitant of the Depression and the Sergeants' Revolt that brings about that revolutionary government in 1933.<br></p> <p><strong>NS: Cuba was in a state of near civil war for quite some time prior to the Sergeants' Revolt, no?</strong><br></p> <p>NV: Yes, the U.S. had intervened on three different occasions in the island. In 1912 you had a very serious and bloody repression of the black population, and in fact it's called a race war, when the black population and mulattoes, who had not gained anything as a consequence of the neocolonial status that Cuba had achieved after 1898, created an independent Party of Color, as they called it, in which they were going to articulate the needs and demands of the black population. And it was repressed by military force, and <br>of course all the racist fears and so forth that had been in Cuba, because it was a plantation economy based on black slave labor until 1886, all those fears of course now were exploited in order to make sure that that population did not challenge the power structure.</p> <p>And there had been numerous other revolts in which Liberals and Conservatives, in or out of power, tried to use the U.S., I may add, in order to preserve the control - or the control that they were allowed to have by the U.S. So you have a lot of social upheaval. The Spanish former ruling class that had been removed from power, many of those people remained. A black population, high unemployment, a situation in which something similar to the so-called enclosures in England, when the communal lands were taken by corporate foreign interest - all this created a lot of social disequilibrium within rural Cuba. And of course, rapid urbanization, this is happening as well, the emergence of labor unions, led either by Anarchists -- that's before the 1920s, and from the 1920s on, by the Cuban Communist Party, which was, I may add, by 1933, perhaps with the exception of the Mexican one, the most organized and well-developed, and quite a functional and effective political force in Cuba.<br></p> <p><strong>NS: Can you explain to me how the Cuban Communist Party got started? What its beginnings were? Was it formed at the behest of the Comintern like some of the other Latin American Communist parties?<br></strong></p> <p>NV: Well, the source, the roots, of the Cuban Communist Party, have to be traced first of all to the Europeans who had migrated to Cuba, particularly at the beginning of the 20th century. Although most of them were Anarchists, you have quite a few who were Marxists. Of course, you have to take into account as well, in terms of the radical milieu in Cuban politics, the Mexican Revolution in 1910-1911, so that by the time the Russian Revolution occurs in 1917, you do have in Cuba already that impact of the Mexican revolutionaries and what they have been doing in Mexico. </p> <p>So the source for what will become the Cuban Communist Party is Cuban nationalism on the one hand, the labor movement on the other, particularly labor unions, the influence of the Mexican Revolution, and of course, by 1921, four years after the Russian Revolution began, the establishment of the Communist International, the Comintern, which indeed fostered the creation of Communist parties throughout Latin America. But the Communist Party as such, the first cells are established in 1923, the Party is formally created in 1925, with Eastern European leaders, with some black labor leaders, as well as Cuban intellectuals, particularly from the city of Havana. And yes, they were from the very beginning very much identified with the Comintern and with the so-called "21 conditions" to be a member of the Communist International. One of those conditions was of course to identify the Soviet Union as the home of the socialist revolution, since it had been the first country that was seized and taken over by the Communist Party.<br></p> <p><strong>NS: Now, it's my understanding that the Comintern was a creation of Lenin, and Stalin was much less interested in it, and by 1925 Stalin was already in power. How did the change in the Soviet attitude toward the move toward "Socialism in one country," as Stalin called it, affect the Cuban Communists?</strong> </p> <p>NV: Well, oftentimes the history of the Communist International is divided into what is called the first, second, third and fourth periods. By the time that Stalin is in power and <br>controls the central committee of the Communist Party, Lenin is dead, Trotsky is going into exile, so we get between 1928 and 1937 what is referred to as the third period of the Communist International. Which is kind of interesting, because just as the Depression hit<br>in 1929, the Communist International took the position - and Stalin of course was in charge of this, just as the development of the building of socialism in one country - the crisis of <br>worldwide capitalism was such that it was considered - and keep in mind that at the time you do have the emergence of Fascist parties throughout Europe, precisely with the Depression as well - that the Communist International began to define the situation as one in which<br>one had to make a choice, either with Fascism or with Communism. So the third period essentially tended to portray the situation of politics in almost any country as being essentially the same, and that is: this is the moment for Communists to seize power, and to do so without any kind of coalition politics. So by '29 and '30, and certainly when the 1933 revolution occurred in Cuba, social democrats were seen by the Communist party worldwide, but in Cuba as well, as if they were social fascists. So the '33 revolution in <br>Cuba, from September to '34, is interesting in the sense that the civilians who will be in power will be in fact dealing with three enemies at the same time: (1) the U.S., (2) the new Cuban military that just seized authority and handed over power to the politicians but who will end up making an alliance with the U.S., and (thirdly) the Communist Party, which in fact is taking over at that time because of their strength in the labor movement, <br>and particularly in sugar mills, in the industrial sugar working class, they are taking over the sugar mills and creating soviets, so Cuba had soviets in 1933. And so this is a period during which the Communist Party certainly later on will define their own role as being somewhat sectarian, and it is from that moment, from 33 on, that you will see that the Communist Party of Cuba and the social democrats of Cuba, being the Auténticos, as they were called, <br>or later on the Ortodoxos, were very anti-Communist. And it goes back to that clash that they had during this period. Which is, in a sense, a reproduction of the very clash that was taking place, for example, in Germany about the same time, between the Communist Party that saw the German Social Democrats as Social Fascists.<br></p> <p><strong>NS: Now, as I understand it, bombs were going off pretty much every day in Havana, certainly in 1933 prior to the September Revolution. That it had become a very unsafe place, and even after the hundred day revolution, that there continued to be a great deal of civil turmoil until 1935.</strong><br></p> <p>NV: That's correct. Actually that turmoil in one way or the other continues until 1940 and even after 1940, although it will be often referred to as bonchismo - gangs of people who were at first involved in the 1933 revolution, and when they were overthrown, the military committed many atrocities, and nothing happened to those who committed<br>those atrocities within the military, so small groups of armed, highly politicized individuals came together to bring justice to those who had assassinated their comrades And in 1947, the city of Havana in a period of 12 months had four different chiefs of police, and three of them were killed.<br></p> <p><strong>NS: But that's a later period than what was happening between '33 and '35. When the hundred day revolution ends, Batista takes power through a series of puppet presidents, and pursues Antonio Guiteras, who had been in the revolutionary government, and ultimately kills him in 1935, and it seems to me that the death of Guiteras was the end of an era. Would you agree with that?</strong><br></p> <p>NV: Well, yes and no, because Guiteras's followers actually end up creating all these so-called "action groups". There is an Acción Revolucionaria Guiteras, and there is a TNT that continues, but it is true that you begin to see the consolidation of a new political regime in Cuba. It will now be the Cuban military that will intervene in politics to try to stabilize the system rather than having the U.S. military send in the Marines to do so, as they had done<br>before 1933. So certainly, although the '33 revolution comes to an end by January 34, and Batista seizes power and will rule through a series of puppets, you do have that type of violence continuing, but now it's under a new political game that is being created by Batista. </p> <p>A very interesting new political game, I might add, in which we end up seeing that Batista himself, although persecuting Communists between 1934 and 1937, yet by the spring of 1937 the Communists and the Batista forces make a political coalition. Which brings us to the Comintern, which of course a month earlier will begin what is called the fourth period of the Comintern, which is that is necessary to create a popular front to fight Fascism, and that consequently alliances can be established with all those orces that are considered by the Communist Party democratic forces. So you will see from '37 on a participation of Batista and the Communists in coalition politics. </p> <p>Interestingly, the social democrats – the Auténticos and later on the Ortodoxos - will denounce such coalitions, but certainly by 1937 we find such things as, for example, in April 1937, the Communist Party is attempting to mobilize the population against Batista, yet by May of '37 the situation has changed, and by June '37, Batista allows the <br>establishing of the Partido Unión Revolucionaria, which was a front for the Communist Party at that time. By May 1, 1938, the Cuban Communist Party's newspaper - by that time, the newspaper of the Partido Unión Revolucionaria became legal, the newspaper Hoy. By<br>September 1938, the party changed its name to the Communist Party of Cuba. <br></p> <p>And by January '39 the Cuban Communist Party is having - the first in the history of Latin America - an open Communist Party congress, in which openly 23,000 members acknowledge that they were members of the Communist Party as such. And that is quite unique. In fact, the Cuban government at that time was the first to establish a coalition with the Communists and to run for office and actually to win power by October 10, 1940. In those elections Batista and the Communists came to power. The first Communist Party in Latin America to have two ministers in the cabinet was the Cuban Communist Party. The<br>Communists also had a very unique role to play in the constitutional convention of 1939, which created the 1940 constitution. Out of 41 elected members to the constitutional convention, six were members of the Cuban Communist Party - open members of the Cuban Communist Party. Which is why that Constitution had so many progressive features in it.<br></p> <p><strong>NS: And that constitution was part of, also, a changing sense of race relations in Cuba, no?</strong><br></p> <p>NV: Certainly. It proclaimed not only that all the races were equal, but also established legislation to the effect that if there was any kind of institutional discrimination, that steps <br>should be taken to put an end to it. Of course, that depended on who was in power. But this brings us to something else, which is, interestingly enough, by 1940, we have the situation in which the man who rules Cuba is a mulatto who has black as well as Chinese ancestry. And the second thing is that the Cuban Communist Party is also led at the time by a number of figures who also were black and mulatto. In fact, the Communist Party in Cuba at that time, it was reported, that at least 50% of its members were nonwhite.<br></p> <p>NS: Not incidentally, of course, we were approaching the entry of the U.S. into World War II at this time, so we see Stalin becoming an ally of Roosevelt. So suddenly the United States'<br>reflexive anti-Communism was probably as moderated as it ever would be. In the U.S. and Britain they were talking about Stalin as "Uncle Joe."<br></p> <p>NV: That's right, and moreover, by December 1939 after the Cuban Communist Party had been made legal, after Batista had announced his coalition with the Communist Party and running for office, Batista went to Washington, D.C., and the relations between Cuba and the U.S. at that time were quite friendly, interestingly enough. Even though there were some politicians that were denouncing the role of the Communists in Cuba and so forth, Washington DC at that time saw that kind of coalition as totally acceptable.<br></p> <p><strong>NS: Now what was Mil Diez?</strong><br></p> <p>NV: That was a radio station - a very unique radio station - established as well by the Cuban Communist Party. As part of this period - the early 1940s - we see this radio station, which was in Havana, but it could be heard outside the province of Havana. It was a radio station that will do such things as read articles and editorials from the Communist Party paper. It will introduce, interestingly enough, American jazz to a Cuban public. It will make<br>famous numerous people in the world of music, like César Portillo de la Luz, Omara Portuondo, and, incredibly enough, Celia Cruz became famous in Cuba because she used to sing in the Communist Party radio station.<br></p> <p><strong>NS: And not only those figures! Arsenio Rodríguez was on at five, and Arcaño came on at seven!</strong><br></p> <p>NV: Yes, what we now consider the heyday of Cuban music, Mil Diez was a very important institution. I may add, it also transmitted theater - that is, drama, not just the soaps, the novelas, which they also did - but also classics. Raquel Revuelta, a very famous actress in Cuba, became known through Mil Diez as well.<br></p> <p><strong>NS: You have another process beginning in 1937. It's about 1937 when things kind of get back to normal. The university has been closed for years, the university has been reopened. People go back to work to some degree. Music explodes. Recordings had not been made in Cuba in the early 30s. Recordings start to get made again in 1937. And you had the relaxation of the prohibitions against the drums. You have the comparsas in the street being re-authorized again. And you have this whole new level of visibility of black culture and black creativity in Cuba at this time.</strong><br></p> <p>NV: Yes, and Mil Diez is the main instrument by which the poetry of Nicolás Guillén became known to the average Cuban. And people like Guillén, and speakers like Juan Marinello, the <br>intellectual, and Carlos Rafael Rodríguez, and so forth, and consequently, the whole negritud movement that we see throughout the Caribbean in the 1920s and so<br>forth, well, now, that gets connected as well in Cuba. The black is beautiful, which is related to Motivos del Son in Guillén's poetry. You begin to see the establishment of institutions which will study those cultures from Africa, and the importance of the Bantus and the Yorubas, and other groups as well. So you have a revival, a renaissance, in Cuba, in which a number of political leaders have risen to positions of authority who are indeed coming from the black working class.<br></p> <p><strong>NS: So at this time you have a sort of alliance between very different political and social tendencies that during the period of World War II, effectively, have made a kind of domestic truce, and at this time culture flowers . . .<br></strong></p> <p>NV: Yes.<br></p> <p><strong>NS: How does this come unraveled?</strong><br></p> <p>NV: Well, let me just mention one last point, and that is: the kind of political party that Batista ends up creating and the kind of alliance that he makes with the Communist Party in order to have a social base is something that will be emulated by the other political parties. In other words, all the parties will end up having a labor section, and a peasant section, and a section for women, and a section for blacks - not in the sense that black will be separated, but rather a sort of affirmative action: we are going to recruit blacks for the political party that I belong to. That kind of thing begins during this period as well.<br></p> <p><strong>NS: How did it come apart? How did this alliance come undone? </strong></p> <p>NV: With the end of World War II, the alliance comes to an end.</p> <p><strong>NS: Simple as that?</strong></p> <p>NV: That's right. As soon. It's extraordinary. By 1945, the war comes to an end. By 1944, the Auténticos come to power.They initiate Red-baiting, getting the Communists out of the labor movement, the government seizing Mil Diez, the radio station, for example. So you begin to see a movement. The same thing is happening in the labor movement. The<br>Cuban Confederation of Labor will be "clean" of Communist influence, and <br>consequently the Auténticos will be taking it over. Once elections are held, Batista is no longer president. He goes to the U.S. for a time, and then World War II ends. From that point on, you begin to see the Red Scare in Cuba as well as in the U.S., and consequently the<br>removal of Communists from newspapers, from labor movements, not so much <br>from universities.<br></p> <p><strong>NS: And what happens in Cuban culture during this second half of the 40s?</strong><br></p> <p>NV: Well, I think, in a sense, the culture - those institutions that have been created continue, but no longer are able to operate as they did so openly for political purposes. The people who were doing their singing, and their performance, in Mil Diez and so forth, that will continue. You will have Fernando Ortiz writing about the black experience and so forth. But it no longer will be doing anything, I would think, new in terms of opening - the period from '37 on is one in which there is a massive opening of Cuba to black experience, black culture. That continues, but is no longer opening new arenas, I think. It's just maintaining what had been achieved.<br></p> <p><strong>NS: There was something else, I think, that happened, at least in terms of music. During World War II it wasn't possible for Cubans to emigrate to the U.S. But with the end of World War II and with the increase in violence in the street in Cuba making it less desirable also, you start to see more talent leaving Cuba for the U.S.</strong><br></p> <p>NV: Yes, but there is something else as well. During World War II, in a sense, Cuban music takes off, and although there is the American influence, it is not overwhelming Cuba. After 1945, that upsurge of Cuban music now has to compete with what is coming from the north, and what you find consequently is that some people even are coming to the U.S. in the hope that that would be the way that they would be rediscovered in Cuba.</p> <p><br><strong>[This interview took place on 03/17/04 ]</strong></p> Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6026526.post-85750985162206347322014-05-27T11:18:00.001-07:002014-05-27T11:18:33.086-07:00El Mundo de las Empresas En Cuba<p><a href="http://www.camaracuba.cu/index.php?option=com_mailto&tmpl=component&link=aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jYW1hcmFjdWJhLmN1L2luZGV4LnBocD9vcHRpb249Y29tX2NvbnRlbnQmdmlldz1hcnRpY2xlJmlkPTE3MjplbXByZXNhc2Fzb2NpYWRhcyZjYXRpZD02MjptZW51c2VjY2lvbnNlcnZpY2lvcyZJdGVtaWQ9MTU1"><br><img alt="E-mail" src="http://www.camaracuba.cu/images/M_images/emailButton.png"></a><a href="http://www.camaracuba.cu/index.php?view=article&catid=62%3Amenuseccionservicios&id=172%3Aempresasasociadas&tmpl=component&print=1&layout=default&page=&option=com_content&Itemid=155"><img alt="Imprimir" src="http://www.camaracuba.cu/images/M_images/printButton.png"></a><a href="http://www.camaracuba.cu/index.php?view=article&catid=62%3Amenuseccionservicios&id=172%3Aempresasasociadas&format=pdf&option=com_content&Itemid=155"><img alt="PDF" src="http://www.camaracuba.cu/templates/ja_purity/images/pdf_button.png"></a> <h4><font style="font-weight: normal"> Preparado por Nelson P Valdés</font></h4> <h4>Sección Construcción</h4> <p>1<br>Comercial Matco, S.A.<br>Calle 25 e/ 30 y 26 No. 2602 Playa.<br>2088658 / 2086099<br><a href="mailto:carlos@matco.co.cu">carlos@matco.co.cu</a><a href="mailto:ivonne@matco.co.cu">ivonne@matco.co.cu</a><a href="mailto:m.antonia@matco.co.cu">m.antonia@matco.co.cu</a><br>MATCO, S.A.<br>www.matco.cubaweb.cu <p>2<br>Empresa Comercializadora Escambray<br>Calle Línea esq. 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Mañana Guanabacoa<br>7979265 797 9832<br><a href="mailto:direccion@cubahidraulica.cu">direccion@cubahidraulica.cu</a><a href="mailto:osmundo@cubahidraulica.cu">osmundo@cubahidraulica.cu</a><a href="mailto:regino@cubahidraulica.cu">regino@cubahidraulica.cu</a><a href="mailto:jany@cubahidraulica.cu">jany@cubahidraulica.cu</a><br>CUBAHIDRAULICA <p>5<br>Empresa Central de Equipos Comercial Cubiza<br>Ave. del Zoológico No. 4 e/ 26 y Ulloa, Nuevo Vedado, Ciudad de La Habana<br>8810086 / 8813897/ 666027<br><a href="mailto:gilberto@cubiza.cu">gilberto@cubiza.cu</a> /<a href="mailto:plinio@cubiza.cu">plinio@cubiza.cu</a><br>CUBIZA <p>6<br>Empresa Diseño Ciudad Habana<br>Ave. 26 y Kohly No. 16, Nuevo Vedado, Ciudad de La Habana<br>830-3371 / 830-5511 830 3512 y 12 / 830-3377 <p><a href="mailto:katia@dch.ch.gov.cu">katia@dch.ch.gov.cu</a><a href="mailto:teresa@dch.ch.gov.cu">teresa@dch.ch.gov.cu</a> <p><a href="mailto:dch@dch.ch.gov.cu">dch@dch.ch.gov.cu</a> <p>DCH <p>7<br>Empresa de Proyectos para Industrias Varias<br>Calle 31-A, No. 1805 e/ 18 y 20, Playa, Ciudad de La Habana<br>209 6989 / 203 0131 / 204 2149<br><a href="mailto:dg-eproyiv@eproyiv.cu">dg-eproyiv@eproyiv.cu</a><br>EPROYIV <p>8<br>Empresa de Proyectos para Industrias de la Básica<br>Ave. 31A # 1805 e/. 18 y 20. Edificio Las Ursulinas, Miramar<br>2042146 / 2093632 / 2093582<br><a href="mailto:martex@eprob.cu">martex@eprob.cu</a><br>EPROB <p>9<br>Empresa de Asbesto Cemento Armando Mestre Martínez<br>Carretera de la Refinería Km 2 1/2, Santiago de Cuba<br>3-1286/ 3-1124<br><a href="mailto:direcc@santiago.perdurit.com.cu">direcc@santiago.perdurit.com.cu</a> <p>10<br>Empresa de Servicios Técnicos de Defectoscopía y Soldadura<br>Carretera O´bourke km 2 1/2 Pastorita, Cienfuegos<br>(432) 556900-02<br><a href="mailto:valle@cenex.aconci.cu">valle@cenex.aconci.cu</a><br>CENEX <p>11<br>Grupo Industrial de Fibrocemento Perdurit<br>Calle 35 y A, Plaza<br>8357081 / 8357074 / 8357076 y 78<br><a href="mailto:legal@perdurit.com.cu">legal@perdurit.com.cu</a><br>PERDURIT <p>12<br>Unión de Empresas Constructoras Caribe, S.A.<br>Calle 7ma. No. 701 Esq. 41 Playa<br>207 7671 / 2067397-98 / 2066082<br><a href="mailto:presidente@uneca.co.cu">presidente@uneca.co.cu</a><br>UNECA, S.A. <p>13<br>Empresa de Abastecimiento y Transporte No. 7 de Camagüey<br>Carretera Central No. 352, Camaguey<br>294327 / 292789<br>E.A.T No. 7 <p>14<br>Empresa de Proyectos de Ingeniería y Arquitectura No. 11<br>Ave. Finlay No. 374, Camagüey<br>297639 / 292938 / 283410<br><a href="mailto:comercial@epia.colombus.cu">comercial@epia.colombus.cu</a><br>EPIA No. 11 <p>15<br>Empresa de Abastecimiento Técnico Material<br>Ave 31 No. 4212 e/ 42 y 44, Playa. Ciudad de La Habana<br>2095353 / 2061362 / 2026082 y 83<br><a href="mailto:diamela@mc.transnet.cu">diamela@mc.transnet.cu</a><a href="mailto:comercial@mc.transnet.cu">comercial@mc.transnet.cu</a> <p>16<br>Grupo Empresarial de Suministros y Transporte a la Construcción<br>Calle 31 No. 859 entre Paseo y 2 Vedado. Ciudad de la Habana<br>8814231/ 8815942<br><a href="mailto:direccion@gestcons.com.cu">direccion@gestcons.com.cu</a><a href="mailto:benito@gestcons.com.cu">benito@gestcons.com.cu</a><br>GESTCONS <p>17<br>Empresa de Construcción y Montaje Especializado<br>Calle N, No. 266, Piso 8 e/ 21 y 23. Vedado Ciudad de La Habana<br>832-4257/ 832-6461 / 832-4126<br><a href="mailto:director@ecme.netcons.com.cu">director@ecme.netcons.com.cu</a><a href="mailto:comercial@ecme.netcons.com.cu">comercial@ecme.netcons.com.cu</a><br>ECME <p>18<br>Empresa de Proyectos No. 15<br>Calle 7 Esq. 8, Vista Alegre. Santiago de Cuba.<br>4-2889 / 4-3917 / 4-2870<br><a href="mailto:noa@emproy15ciges.inf.cu">noa@emproy15ciges.inf.cu</a><br>EMPROY No. 15 <p>19<br>Empresa de Tecnología de Avanzada de la Construcción<br>Calle San José Final, Zona Industrial No. 2, Pueblo Grifo, Cienfuegos.<br>521019 / 55 1139<br><a href="mailto:director@micalum.co.cu">director@micalum.co.cu</a><br>MICALUM <p>20<br>Empresa de Proyectos de Obras de Arquitectura No. 2<br>Calle N No. 269 e/ 21 y 23, Plaza Ciudad de La Habana<br>8329472 / 8327734 / 8328001<br><a href="mailto:emproydir@ceniai.inf.cu">emproydir@ceniai.inf.cu</a><br>EMPROY No. 2<br>www.emprosime.cu <p>21<br>Empresa de Diseño e Ingeniería de Ciego de Avila<br>Edificio 13 5to. Piso Micro C Rpto. Vista Alegre. Ciego de Avila<br>27159 / 27149<br><a href="mailto:edilca@enet.cu">edilca@enet.cu</a><br>CEPROY <p>22<br>Empresa Tejas Infinitas<br>032 291269<br><a href="mailto:justo@tejas.minbas.cu">justo@tejas.minbas.cu</a> <p>23<br>Empresa de Materiales de la Construcción No. 10<br>Calle 63 Km. 3 Pueblo Grifo. Cienfuegos<br>22502 / 22634<br><a href="mailto:materia@perla.inf.cu">materia@perla.inf.cu</a> <p>24<br>Empresa de Proyectos de Ingeniería y Arquitectura No. 9<br>Ave. Liberación No. 213. Santa Clara, Villa Clara<br>20 2075 / 20 5576<br>EMPROY No. 9 <p>25<br>Empresa Constructora de Obras Industriales No. 8<br>Ave. Agramonte s/n. Reparto Puerto Príncipe, Camagüey<br>262323 / 261912 / 261934<br>ECOI 8 <p>26<br>Empresa Constructora Integral No. 1 de Ciego de Ávila<br>Carretera Central y Circunvalación Norte, Ciego de Ávila<br>28238 / 28577 / 28016<br><a href="mailto:micons@ciego.cav.cyt.cu">micons@ciego.cav.cyt.cu</a><br>ECI. No. 1 <p>27<br>Empresa Constructora de Obras Marítimas<br>Calle 22 No. 114 e/ 1ra. Y 3ra. Playa<br>2068248 / 2068649<br><a href="mailto:empom@eomarit.com.cu">empom@eomarit.com.cu</a><br>ECOM <p>28<br>Grupo Empresarial de Construcciones Azucareras<br>Calle 42, No. 2109 e/ 21 y 23, Playa, Ciudad de la Habana.<br>2067671 / 2035363<br><a href="mailto:directorageneral@geca.minaz.cu">directorageneral@geca.minaz.cu</a><a href="mailto:dnegocios@geca.minaz.cu">dnegocios@geca.minaz.cu</a><br>GECA <p>29<br>Empresa de Proyectos de Arquitectura e Ingeniería de Matanzas<br>San Vicente Final s/n Pueblo Nuevo. Matanzas.<br>45291824 / 45291802 ext. 204<br><a href="mailto:luis-gonzalez@empai.co.cu">luis-gonzalez@empai.co.cu</a>/<a href="mailto:melena-torrens@empai.co.cu">melena-torrens@empai.co.cu</a><br>EMPAI <p>30<br>Empresa Constructora de Obras de Arquitectura No. 21<br>Ave. De las Américas S/N Esq. Terraza. Santiago de Cuba.<br>4-3965 / 4-2469<br><a href="mailto:ochoa@ecoa21.ciges.inf.cu">ochoa@ecoa21.ciges.inf.cu</a><br>ECOA No. 21 <p>31<br>Empresa de Proyectos de Obras de Transporte<br>Muralla 211 e/ Cuba y Aguiar, Habana Vieja. Ciudad de La Habana.<br>8661378 8622002-04<br><a href="mailto:maruchiepot@netcons.com.cu">maruchiepot@netcons.com.cu</a><br>EPOT <p>32<br>Empresa de Materiales de la Construcción No. 13<br>Amadoi Estevez s/n. Reparto Roberto Reyes<br>42-6309 / 42-3812<br><a href="mailto:root@mat13.granma.inf.cu">root@mat13.granma.inf.cu</a> <p>33<br>Centro Nacional de Capacitación y Superación Técnica<br>Ave. Carlos M. De Céspedes y 35. Plaza de la Revolución. Ciudad de La Habana.<br>8817880 / 8817087 / 555305 al 27 ext. 374<br><a href="mailto:acosta@micons.cu">acosta@micons.cu</a><br>CENCSUT <p>34<br>Importadora y Comercializadora de la Construcción<br>Paseo No.1551, Esq. Zapata, Plaza de la Revolución. Ciudad de La Habana.<br>8815224 / 8811850 / 8811250<br><a href="mailto:guido@imeco.com.cu">guido@imeco.com.cu</a><a href="mailto:sandral@imeco.com.cu">sandral@imeco.com.cu</a><a href="mailto:roberto@imeco.com.cu">roberto@imeco.com.cu</a><br>IMECO <p>35<br>Empresa de Servicios de Ingeniería y Diseño de Holguín<br>Frexes Esquina A. Guiteras, Holguín<br>42-2231/4521/46-2589<br><a href="mailto:vertice@vertice.holguin.inf.cu">vertice@vertice.holguin.inf.cu</a><br>VERTICE <p>36<br>Empresa de Servicios de Ingeniería y Diseño de Granma<br>Ave. Frank País, # 46. Rpto: Jesús Menéndez, Bayamo, Granma<br>42-4114/42-5395<br><a href="mailto:edigran@ip.etecsa.cu">edigran@ip.etecsa.cu</a> <p>37<br>Grupo Empresarial de la Construcción de Matanzas<br>San Luis No.13 e/ San Francisco y San Juan Bautista, Pueblo Nuevo, Matanzas<br>292517 / 291011<br><a href="mailto:direcc@gecma.co.cu">direcc@gecma.co.cu</a><br>GECMA <p>38<br>INVERCO, S.A.<br>Calle 9na. A, Esquina A 150., No. 15007, Reparto Cubanacán<br>208-7979 / 204-8662 - 63 / 208-7978<br><a href="mailto:yirmamar@cubalse.cu">yirmamar@cubalse.cu</a><br>INVERCO, S.A. <p>39<br>Empresa del Plástico de la Habana<br>Ave. Monumental Km 81/2 e/ Vía Blanca y Línea de Ferrocarril, San Miguel del Padrón, Ciudad de la Habana<br>795-9687 / 795-9271/795-9272<br><a href="mailto:coplast@perdurit.com.cu">coplast@perdurit.com.cu</a><br>COPLAST <p>40<br>Empresa de Impermeabilizantes Asfálticos<br>Calle 288 s/n, E/ 51 y 61, El Cano, La Lisa, Ciudad de la Habana<br>2020140 / 2050986<br><a href="mailto:imperasfal@perdurit.com.cu">imperasfal@perdurit.com.cu</a><br>IMPERASFAL <p>41<br>Empresa Constructora de Obras Industriales No.11<br>Carretera del Caney s/n Calle 17 y 19. Rpto Vista Alegre, Santiago de Cuba<br>642851 / 641866<br><a href="mailto:ecoill@ecoill.ciges.inf.cu">ecoill@ecoill.ciges.inf.cu</a><br>ECOI # 11 <p>42<br>Empresa de Materiales de Construcción de Camagüey<br>General Gómez # 208 e/ Cisneros y San Ramón, Camagüey<br>294275 / 292542 / 293574<br><a href="mailto:marlene@cmg.escambray.com.cu">marlene@cmg.escambray.com.cu</a> <p>43<br>Empresa Materiales de Construcción de Villa Clara<br>Carrretera central No. 441, Villa Clara<br>29 1116/ 29 1183/ 29 1939<br><a href="mailto:vc.mercedes@vclara.geicon.gov.cu">vc.mercedes@vclara.geicon.gov.cu</a>vc.juridica@ vclara.geicon.gov.cu <p>44<br>Empresa de Diseño e Ingeniería de Cienfuegos<br>Ave.60 Nº 4302 e/ 43 y 15, Cienfuegos<br>55 1271/ 55 5608/ 55 1371<br><a href="mailto:cedin@aconci.perla.inf.cu">cedin@aconci.perla.inf.cu</a><br>EDIN Cienfuegos <p>45<br>Técnica Hidráulica, S.A.<br>Humboldt No. 106 esq. P 6to. Piso, Vedado, Plaza.<br>836 5158 8775953/8783074/705158<br><a href="mailto:thic@ceniai.inf.cu">thic@ceniai.inf.cu</a><br>TH <p>46<br>Grupo Empresarial de la Construcción de Granma<br>Avenida Frank País # 46, e/ Amado Estevez y Ave. Figueredo, Granma<br>42-4789<br><a href="mailto:direccion@ascon9.grm.cyt.cu">direccion@ascon9.grm.cyt.cu</a> <p>47<br>Empresa de Fibrocemento de Siguaney<br>Siguaney, Taguasco.<br>45534/45591/45512<br><a href="mailto:ventas@siguaney.perdurit.com.cu">ventas@siguaney.perdurit.com.cu</a><br>PERDURIT <p>48<br>Grupo Empresarial de Diseño e Ingeniería de la Construcción<br>Calle 33 e/ 20 y 22 No. 2004 Playa<br>205-9406 / 2059408<br><a href="mailto:gedic@netcons.com.cu">gedic@netcons.com.cu</a><br>GEDIC <p>49<br>Grupo Empresarial de la Construcción de Santiago de Cuba<br>Avenida Victoriano Garzón # 61 Esq. Carretera Central.<br>52-7118/651596/652101<br><a href="mailto:barbaro@vtmicons.ciges-inf.cu">barbaro@vtmicons.ciges-inf.cu</a> <p>50<br>Empresa de Diseño e Ingenería de Guantánamo<br>13 Norte # 802 e/ San Gregorio y Cuartel.<br>38-1805/38-1905<br><a href="mailto:edi@edigtmo.co.cu">edi@edigtmo.co.cu</a> <p>51<br>Empresa de Materiales de la Construcción No 5<br>Carretera a Zaza del medio Km 1 e/ Linea y Rotondda Sancti Spíritus<br>335142 26347/25527<br><a href="mailto:emcos@yayabo.inf.cu">emcos@yayabo.inf.cu</a><br>Mat.Const.No 5 <p>52<br>Empresa de Servicios de Ingeniería No. 2 de Varadero<br>Avenida 1ra. E/ 12 y 14 Reparto Isla del Sur, Varadero Matanzas<br>612331 / 611422 / 612472<br><a href="mailto:despinosa@arcos.co.cu">despinosa@arcos.co.cu</a><a href="mailto:mmirabal@arcos.co.cu">mmirabal@arcos.co.cu</a><br>ARCOS <p>53<br>Empresa de Arquitectura de Interiores y Diseño Gráfico<br>Calle 12 No. 308 e/ 3ra. Y 5ta., Playa, Ciudad de La Habana.<br>204 6789 / 202 2242 / 2049109<br><a href="mailto:darq@ceniai.inf.cu">darq@ceniai.inf.cu</a><br>D/ ARQ <p>54<br>UBP No. 8 Combinado Israel Santos<br>Camino del Oriente s/n Zona Industrial Las Tunas<br>47947<br><a href="mailto:isantos@eci2.ltunas.inf.cu">isantos@eci2.ltunas.inf.cu</a><br>DURALMET <p>55<br>Empresa de Cerámica Blanca de Holguín<br>Carretera Central Km 774<br>422312/422267/468007<br><a href="mailto:root@ceramica.holguin.inf.cu">root@ceramica.holguin.inf.cu</a> <p>56<br>Empresa Hormigón y Terrazo<br>Calle 100 y Paso Seco. Arroyo Naranjo<br>6968092 / 6968256 / 6968232<br><a href="mailto:oscar@horter.co.cu">oscar@horter.co.cu</a><br>HORTER <p>57<br>Empresa Constructora de Obras de Ingeniería Nº 12<br>Calle 63 km 2 1/2, Cuatro Caminos, Cienfuegos<br>52 2325/52 1996/5 22263<br><a href="mailto:ecoing12@aconci.perla.inf.cu">ecoing12@aconci.perla.inf.cu</a><br>ECOING Nº 12 <p>58<br>Empresa de Construcción, Reparación y Mantenimiento Constructivo<br>Benjumeda 514 entre Infanta y Callejón Morales. Cerro.<br>8796530 / 8796584<br><a href="mailto:corepma@ceniai.inf.cu">corepma@ceniai.inf.cu</a><br>COREPMA <p>59<br>Empresa Construcción y Mantenimiento<br>Calle 240 y Televilla # 6124, La Lisa<br>2625017 / 18 ext. 105 y 102<br><a href="mailto:ubecom@ip.minbas.co">ubecom@ip.minbas.co</a>,<a href="mailto:edilio@ecom.minbas.cu">edilio@ecom.minbas.cu</a>,<a href="mailto:oralis@ecom.minbas.cu">oralis@ecom.minbas.cu</a><br>ECOM <p>60<br>Empresa de Construcción Civil y Mantenimiento Vial de Camagüey<br>Carretera de Vertientes Km 2 1/2, Nadadels, Camagüey<br>296619 / 295949 / 292712 <p>61<br>Empresa de Diseño e Ingeniería de las Tunas<br>Ave 30 de Noviembre s/n altos del BANDEC<br>348980 / 348968 / 48946<br><a href="mailto:rolando@edilt.co.cu">rolando@edilt.co.cu</a><br>EDILT-CREVER <p>62<br>Empresa de Mantenimiento Vial y Construcciones de la Habana<br>Calle Giral s/n e/ 22 y 23 Diez de Octubre<br>983350 / 990486 / 987588-89<br><a href="mailto:echab@transnet.cu">echab@transnet.cu</a> <p>63<br>Empresa de Mantenimiento Vial y Construcciones de Santiago de Cuba<br>Ave. Cebreco s/n entre 15 y 17 Rpto. Vista Alegre<br>644127/ 643946<br><a href="mailto:eccmvstg@scu.transnet.cu">eccmvstg@scu.transnet.cu</a><br>EMVC <p>64<br>Empresa de Materiales de la Construcción de Las Tunas<br>Ave. Camilo Cienfuegos # 223 Las Tunas<br>47745/ 42240<br><a href="mailto:vitalmac@enet.cu">vitalmac@enet.cu</a><br>VITALMAC <p>65<br>Empresa de Pinturas "Vitral"<br>Calle 39 # 4410 entre 44 y 46, Playa<br>2046045/ 2045753<br><a href="mailto:lourdes@vitral.minbas.cu">lourdes@vitral.minbas.cu</a><a href="mailto:ricardo@vitral.minbas.cu">ricardo@vitral.minbas.cu</a><br>Vitral <p>66<br>Empresa de Construcción y Montaje Agroindustrial de Camagüey<br>Ave. Finlay km. 3 1/2, Camagüey<br>261851/ 261721/ 264939<br><a href="mailto:director@geca.cm.minaz.cu">director@geca.cm.minaz.cu</a><br>ECMAI <p>67<br>Empresa Comercializadora Camilo Cienfuegos<br>Carretera Vieja de Guanabacoa y Línea del Ferrocarril. Repto Azotea<br>797 6434 ext. 106 797 4697 797 3953<br><a href="mailto:rbien@comersomec.cu">rbien@comersomec.cu</a> <p>68<br>Empresa Productora de Prefabricados No. 7 de Camagüey<br>Calixto García, s/n e/ Palma y Rosario, Camagüey<br>293576 / 296887<br><a href="mailto:eppc@esicm.cu">eppc@esicm.cu</a> <p>69<br>Empresa Provincial de Servicios Especializados de la Construcción<br>Prado No. 56 esq. a Consulado Habana Vieja<br>8672686 / 8610627 / 8610628 ext. 111<br><a href="mailto:secons@ch.gov.cu">secons@ch.gov.cu</a><br>SECONS <p>70<br>Empresa de Soluciones Mecánicas de Cienfuegos<br>Avenida 56 No 5106, Entre 51 y 53 Cienfuegos<br>(43)55-02 73<br><a href="mailto:somec-e4@perla.inf.cu">somec-e4@perla.inf.cu</a><a href="mailto:silvia@somec.co.cu">silvia@somec.co.cu</a><br>SOMEC <p>71<br>Union Nacional de Arquitectos e Ingenieros de la Construcción de Cuba<br>Humboldt 104 esq. Infanta, Vedado, Plaza de la Revolución<br>8363343 / 8357531<br><a href="mailto:presidencia@unaicc.co.cu">presidencia@unaicc.co.cu</a><br>UNAICC <p>72<br>Empresa Constructora de Obras de Arquitectura e Industriales N.o 4<br>Augusto Márquez No. 12 entre Martí y Alfredo Uset Rpto. San Juan El Cristo<br>42-3498<br><a href="mailto:direccion@ecoai4.gecgr.co.cu">direccion@ecoai4.gecgr.co.cu</a><br>ECOAI-4 <p>73<br>Empresa de Aseguramiento y Logística Hidráulica<br>Carretera Vieja de Guanabacoay Línea del Ferrocarril<br>7979712 / 7970383 797 0821 al 25<br><a href="mailto:rvillalba@cubahidraulica.cu">rvillalba@cubahidraulica.cu</a><a href="mailto:antonio@cubahidraulica.cu">antonio@cubahidraulica.cu</a><br>EALH <p>74<br>Empresa Constructora del Sistema Empresarial Recaudador de Divisas<br>Calle 240 e/ 81 y Lindero, reparto Bello 26, La Lisa<br>2658709 / 2658710<br><a href="mailto:desther@dobras.co.cu">desther@dobras.co.cu</a> /<a href="mailto:pedro@dobras.co.cu">pedro@dobras.co.cu</a><br>D´OBRAS <p>75<br>Empresa de Montaje y Producción Industrial del Transporte<br>Palatino No. 449 e/ Santa Catalina y Palmar<br>641 7158 /6416882<br><a href="mailto:director@emeca.transnet.cu">director@emeca.transnet.cu</a><a href="mailto:comercial@emeca.transnet.cu">comercial@emeca.transnet.cu</a><br>EMPIT <p>76<br>Cemento Santiago, S.A<br>Calle Bitirí No. 104 e/ Tamo y Padres de las Casas<br>645210/ 645142<br><a href="mailto:inversiones@stg.minbas.cu">inversiones@stg.minbas.cu</a> <h4>Sección Industria Agroalimentaria</h4> <p>1<br>Grupo Empresarial Industrial y de Distribución de la Pesca<br>Ave. del Puerto y Hacendados, Habana Vieja, Ciudad de La Habana<br>8622050 / 8629578 / 863 4167<br><a href="mailto:maritza@indipes.telemar.cu">maritza@indipes.telemar.cu</a><br>INDIPES <p>2<br>Cítricos Caribe, S.A.<br>Carlos Manuel de Céspedes No. 774 e/ Conill y Tulipán, Plaza Ciudad de La Habana<br>8810753 / 8820446<br><a href="mailto:ramiro@ccaribe.co.cu">ramiro@ccaribe.co.cu</a><a href="mailto:pfelipe@ccaribe.co.cu">pfelipe@ccaribe.co.cu</a> <p>3<br>Corporación Alimentaria, S.A.<br>Calle 14 No. 306 apto. 1 e/ 3ra. y 5ta., Playa, Ciudad de La Habana<br>204-9290<br><a href="mailto:lucy@coralsa.com.cu">lucy@coralsa.com.cu</a><a href="mailto:pedro@coralsa.com.cu">pedro@coralsa.com.cu</a><br>CORALSA <p>4<br>Corporación Cuba Ron, S.A.<br>Calle 200 No. 1708 esq. a17, Rpto. Atabey, Playa Ciudad de La Habana<br>273-0102/ 204-0956/204-2427<br><a href="mailto:cubaron@cubaron.co.cu">cubaron@cubaron.co.cu</a><br>www.cubaron.com <p>5<br>Empresa Provincial Alimentaria Especialidades Yumurí<br>Tirrini No10 altos, Pueblo Nuevo Matanzas.<br>(45)29-1317/29-20-73<br><a href="mailto:eyumuri@mtz.alimatic.cu">eyumuri@mtz.alimatic.cu</a><br>Especialidades Yumurí <p>6<br>Empresa Cervecería Antonio Díaz Santana<br>Carretera Central km 247, Manacas, Villa Clara<br>4 6312 al 18/ 4 6100/ 4 6166<br><a href="mailto:roly@alimaticvc.co.cu">roly@alimaticvc.co.cu</a><br>MANACAS <p>7<br>Empresa Confitera ¨La Estrella¨<br>Calle Vega y Vía Blanca, Cerro, Ciudad de La Habana<br>640 2943 / 641 1908<br><a href="mailto:laestrella@confit.com.cu">laestrella@confit.com.cu</a> <p>8<br>Empresa Cubana Exportadora de Alimentos y Productos Varios<br>Calle 23 No. 55, 8vo. piso, Vedado, Ciudad de La Habana<br>836 6402 838 0595<br><a href="mailto:frank@cexport.mincex.cu">frank@cexport.mincex.cu</a><br>CUBAEXPORT <p>9<br>Empresa Cubana Exportadora de Azúcar y sus Derivados<br>Calle 23 No. 55, 7mo. piso, Vedado, Ciudad de La Habana<br>838 0612<br><a href="mailto:direccion@cbz.mincex.cu">direccion@cbz.mincex.cu</a><br>CUBAZUCAR <p>10<br>Empresa Cubana Importadora, Exportadora y Comercializadora de Productos de la Ciencia y la Técnica Agropecuaria<br>Calle 148 No. 905 esq. a 9na., Miramar, Ciudad de La Habana<br>208-2164 / 208-2064<br><a href="mailto:amartin@catec.co.cu">amartin@catec.co.cu</a><a href="mailto:afiallo@catec.co.cu">afiallo@catec.co.cu</a><br>CATEC <p>11<br>Empresa Cubana del Tabaco<br>Nueva #75 e/ Universidad y Pedroso. Cerro<br>879 0250-52-53<br><a href="mailto:calero@cubatabaco.cu">calero@cubatabaco.cu</a><a href="mailto:omar@cubatabaco.cu">omar@cubatabaco.cu</a><br>CUBATABACO <p>12<br>Empresa Cárnica TAURO<br>Calle E e/ 12 y Línea del Ferrocarril, Lawton, Ciudad de La Habana<br>641 8393 641 8698<br><a href="mailto:tauro@ceniai.inf.cu">tauro@ceniai.inf.cu</a><br>TAURO <p>13<br>Empresa de Produción y Distribución de Ocas<br>Calle 51 Esq. A 218 La Lisa.<br>260 3471 / 260 3471 272 0985<br><a href="mailto:oca@enet.cu">oca@enet.cu</a><br>OROCA <p>14<br>Empresa de Productos Lácteos Coppelia<br>Calle 10 No. 506 e/ 5ta. y 31, Miramar, Playa, Ciudad de La Habana.<br>204 6322 2022220 / 2026922<br><a href="mailto:operaciones@coppelia.cu">operaciones@coppelia.cu</a><br>COPPELIA <p>15<br>Empresa de Ingeniería y Servicios Técnicos Azucareros<br>Calle 12 No. 310 e/ 3ra. y 5ta. Ave., Miramar, Ciudad de La Habana<br>2047272 / 2047271/ 2041531/2040281<br><a href="mailto:tecno@tecnoazucar.cu">tecno@tecnoazucar.cu</a><br>TECNOAZUCAR <p>16<br>Instituto de Suelos del MINAGRI<br>Autopista Costa-Costa y Antigua, Carretera de Vento, Capdevila, Boyeros, Ciudad de La Habana<br>645-1166 / 645-1399 / 645-1388 / 645-1188<br><a href="mailto:acardenas@minag.gov.cu">acardenas@minag.gov.cu</a><br>IS <p>17<br>Empresa Comercializadora de Aceite "ECASOL"<br>Ave 7ma # 1601 Esq. A 16 Miramar, Playa.<br>204-7554 / 204-7555<br><a href="mailto:fernando@ecasol.gae.com.cu">fernando@ecasol.gae.com.cu</a><br>ECASOL <p>18<br>Empresa de Cereales Cienfuegos<br>Zona Industrial No. 2 O´Bourke Cienfuegos<br>52-3521<br><a href="mailto:juridico@cerealcf.co.cu">juridico@cerealcf.co.cu</a> <p>19<br>Sociedad Mercantil ZERUS, S.A.<br>Calle 23 No. 171 e/ N y O Vedado Municipio Plaza de la Revolución<br>838-3647 / 838 3194 EXT. 2344<br><a href="mailto:negocios1@ocentral.minaz.cu">negocios1@ocentral.minaz.cu</a><a href="mailto:presidentezerus@ocentral.minaz.cu">presidentezerus@ocentral.minaz.cu</a><br>ZERUS <p>20<br>Unión de Empresas Combinado Avícola Nacional<br>Avenida Independencia y Conill Nuevo Vedado<br>884-5417/884-5478/884-5541 881 0860<br><a href="mailto:direccion@uecan.com.cu">direccion@uecan.com.cu</a><br>UECAN <p>21<br>Unión Láctea<br>San Rafael N.o 467 / Lealtad y Campanario Centro Habana<br>862-6011 al 17 ext. 113<br><a href="mailto:secre_direc@unilac.co.cu">secre_direc@unilac.co.cu</a><a href="mailto:dpto_juridico@unilac.co.cu">dpto_juridico@unilac.co.cu</a><br>UNILAC <p>22<br>Unión de la Carne<br>Carretera de la Polar y Línea del Ferrocarril, Puentes Grandes, Cerro, Ciudad de La Habana<br>881 9265 /8 81 9976<br><a href="mailto:francisca@unicar.com.cu">francisca@unicar.com.cu</a><a href="mailto:direccion@unicar.com.cu">direccion@unicar.com.cu</a><a href="mailto:raisner@unicar.com.cu">raisner@unicar.com.cu</a> <p>23<br>Unión de Ingeniería del Ministerio de la Industria Alimenticia<br>Línea No. 8 e/ N y O, Vedado, Ciudad de La Habana<br>832-8981/ 832-9511 836 7261<br><a href="mailto:bruiz@enet.cu">bruiz@enet.cu</a> <p>24<br>Corporación HABANOS, S.A.<br>22 e/ 3ra. Y 1ra. No. 115, Miramar, Playa<br>204-0528 / 2040530<br><a href="mailto:habanos@habanos.cu">habanos@habanos.cu</a><br>HABANOS, S.A.<br>www.habanossa.com <p>25<br>Empresa de Bebidas y Refrescos Villa Clara<br>Calle Nueva esq. 1ra. Nro 23, Reparto Virginia, Santa Clara, Villa Clara<br>20 5138/ 20 5859/ 20 5197<br>EMBER Villa Clara <p>26<br>Empresa de Pastas y Caramelos de Santiago<br>Avenida Los Pinos, Distrito José Marti, Santiago de Cuba<br>632546 / 632592<br><a href="mailto:stgo@confit.com.cu">stgo@confit.com.cu</a> <p>27<br>Empresa Cárnica Camagüey<br>Circunvalacion Oeste Km 1. Camagüey<br>283462 / 297600 / 297074<br><a href="mailto:fortessa@enet.cu">fortessa@enet.cu</a> <p>28<br>Grupo Empresarial Pesquero de Camagüey<br>Circunvalación Norte Km 1, Camaguey.<br>271709 / 271317 / 271323 / 271723 / 271479<br><a href="mailto:pescacam@fishnavy.inf.cu">pescacam@fishnavy.inf.cu</a><br>PESCACAM <p>29<br>Empresa Avícola de Camagüey<br>Ave No54,Esquina Callejón, de Keiser,Camagüey.<br>296477 / 294921 / 293819<br><a href="mailto:direccion@can.cmg.co.cu">direccion@can.cmg.co.cu</a><a href="mailto:comercial@can.cmg.co.cu">comercial@can.cmg.co.cu</a><br>ENA o CAN <p>30<br>Empresa de Bebidas y Refrescos de Ciego de Avila<br>Carretera Central Km 468, Ciego de Avila<br>27678 / 28724 / 24916<br><a href="mailto:nelson@emberca.co.cu">nelson@emberca.co.cu</a><br>EMBER Ciego de Avila <p>31<br>Empresa Cárnica de Villa Clara<br>Circunvalación y Carretera Central, Banda Esperanza. Santa Clara, Villa Clara.<br>21 5992/ 20 7994/29 1435<br><a href="mailto:alfonso@enet.cu">alfonso@enet.cu</a><br>ALAMO <p>32<br>Empresa de Pastas Alimenticias ¨Vita Nuova¨<br>Carretera Central Km 35 1/2. San José de las Lajas, La Habana<br>(047)86 1395 (047)86 4341 (047)86 1388<br><a href="mailto:vitanuova@enet.cu">vitanuova@enet.cu</a><br>Vitanuova <p>33<br>Empresa de Conservas de Vegetales de Camagüey<br>Ave No. 357 s/n e/ San Martin y San José, Camagüey<br>296417 / 293075 / 291496<br><a href="mailto:camag@consva.com.cu">camag@consva.com.cu</a> <p>34<br>Empresa de Bebidas y Refrescos de Camagüey<br>Avenida de la Libertad No 159 e/Arrieta y Pancho Agramonte,Camagüey<br>291082 / 292157 / 292123 / 291062<br><a href="mailto:emberec@esicm.cu">emberec@esicm.cu</a><br>EMBER Camagüey <p>35<br>Empresa de Comercialización y Equipos Porcinos<br>46 No. 3908 e/ 39 y 39-A. Playa. Ciudad de La Habana<br>2037396 / 2076869 / 2030978<br><a href="mailto:lucila@ecepor.cu">lucila@ecepor.cu</a><br>ECEPOR <p>36<br>Empresa de Productos Lácteos de Camagüey<br>Calle Enrique José Norte No. 317 Altos, San José y Linea de Ferrocarril, Camagüey.<br>293126 / 292013 / 293744<br><a href="mailto:lacteocmg@enet.cu">lacteocmg@enet.cu</a><br>EMPLAC <p>37<br>Grupo Empresarial Pesquero de Santiago de Cuba<br>Calle Padre Pico s/n, altos, e/ Aguilera y Heredia, Santiago de Cuba<br>2-8455 / 2-4184<br><a href="mailto:pescasan@pescasan.scu.sld.cu">pescasan@pescasan.scu.sld.cu</a><br>PESCASAN <p>38<br>Asociación de Café de Santiago de Cuba<br>Calle L Nro 51 esq. A 2da, Rpto Sueño, Santiago de Cuba<br>2-2125 <p>39<br>Empresa de Bebidas y Refrescos Cienfuegos<br>Calle 23 Nro 5619 e/ 56 y 58, Cienfuegos<br>51 8550 / 51 3004<br><a href="mailto:embere@perla.inf.cu">embere@perla.inf.cu</a><br>EMBER Cienfuegos <p>40<br>Empresa Provincial de la Industria Alimentaria de Ciego de Avila<br>José María. Agramonte # 21 esq. Libertad, Ciego de Avila<br>25250 / 25457 / 23693<br><a href="mailto:epia@enet.cu">epia@enet.cu</a> <p>41<br>Empresa Cervecería Tínima<br>Circunvalación Norte y camino de la matanza Km 2 1/2, Camagüey.<br>262190 / 261015<br><a href="mailto:cerveza@tinima.cmg.colombus.cu">cerveza@tinima.cmg.colombus.cu</a> <p>42<br>Empresa de Tabaco Torcido de Santiago de Cuba<br>Calle Donato Mármol (San Agustín) s/n e/Vicente Aguilera y José A. Saco, Enramadas, Stgo de Cuba<br>5-4207 <p>43<br>Complejo Agroindustrial Arrocero "Ruta Invasora" de Camagüey<br>Finca San Antonio, Vertientes, Camagüey<br>37515 / 37585 <p>44<br>Corporación de Abastecimiento al Turismo, S.A.<br>Edificio Jardines de 5ta Avenida y calle 114, 3er piso, Apto 161, Miramar, Playa, Ciudad de La Habana<br>204 3060, 2043059<br><a href="mailto:miriam@coratur.cu">miriam@coratur.cu</a><a href="mailto:julio@coratur.cu">julio@coratur.cu</a><br>CORATUR, S.A. <p>45<br>Empresa Genética y Cría Manuel Fajardo<br>Calle Cmdte Ramón s/n y Carretera "La Mireya", Jiguaní, Granma<br>66464/66724/66254<br><a href="mailto:genetic@esignma.colombus.cu">genetic@esignma.colombus.cu</a> <p>46<br>Empresa Citrícola Victoria de Girón<br>Finca San José Km 3 Torriente, Jagüey Grande, Matanzas<br>045 986109 / 98 6100 / 98 6238<br><a href="mailto:evelio@jagueycitro.atenas.inf.cu">evelio@jagueycitro.atenas.inf.cu</a> <p>47<br>Los Portales, S.A<br>Calle 3era # 3 404 Esq. 34 Miramar, Playa, Ciudad de la Habana.<br>2044099 / 2044153 / 204-7691<br><a href="mailto:lpsa@losportales.cu">lpsa@losportales.cu</a><br>Los Portales S.A <p>48<br>Empresa Importadora Exportadora Confitel<br>Concha 460 e/ Fábrica y Reforma. Luyanó. Diez de Octube<br>983725 / 982955 / 986535<br><a href="mailto:ramon@confitel.cu">ramon@confitel.cu</a> <a href="mailto:rita@confitel.cu">rita@confitel.cu</a><br>Confitel <p>49<br>Empresa Provincial Alimentaria de Camagüey<br>Cisnero # 214, e/ Hermanos Agüero y Martí Camagüey<br>294931 / 293882 / 299285/294041<br><a href="mailto:alicam@caonao.cmw.inf.cu">alicam@caonao.cmw.inf.cu</a><br>EPAC <p>50<br>Inversiones Locarinos, S.A.<br>Calle 23 No.103 4to piso e/ O y P Vedado, Plaza La Habana<br>833 21 56 / 833 2169 <p><a href="mailto:tania@locarinos.ith.cu">tania@locarinos.ith.cu</a> <p><a href="mailto:antonio@locarinos.ith.cu">antonio@locarinos.ith.cu</a> <p>INLOC, S.A. <p>51<br>Empresa Cervecería Santiago de Cuba<br>Carretera de Bacardí No. 36 Santiago de Cuba<br>33517 34924<br>Hatuey <p>52<br>Empresa Confitera Camagüey<br>Carretera de Nuevitas km 10 1/2<br>262403 / 262223<br><a href="mailto:camaguey@confit.com.cu">camaguey@confit.com.cu</a> <p>53<br>Productos Cárnicos Hispano Cubanos, S.A.<br>Calle 6ta. No. 6-1 e/ 17 y 19A Berroa Oeste, Habana del Este, Cuidad de la Habana<br>7959300<br><a href="mailto:marketing@bravo.cu">marketing@bravo.cu</a><br>BRAVO, S.A. <p>54<br>Centro Provincial de Frutas Selectas de Holguín<br>Carretera a Mayarí, Km. 51/2 San Rafael, Holguín<br>481658 / 482403 <p>55<br>Empresa de Contratación y Colocación<br>Ave. La Pesquera s/n y Hacendados. Habana Vieja.<br>8619647 / 8620877 / 8638921<br><a href="mailto:dir_genmar@pesport.telemar.cu">dir_genmar@pesport.telemar.cu</a><a href="mailto:magie@pesport.telemar.cu">magie@pesport.telemar.cu</a><br>GENMAR <p>56<br>Grupo Empresarial Pesquero de Villa Clara<br>Doble Vía Esq. 9na., Vigía sur, Santa Clara, Villa Clara.<br>27 1778/ 27 3206/ 21 6411<br><a href="mailto:pcavilla@civc.inf.cu">pcavilla@civc.inf.cu</a><br>PESCAVILLA <p>57<br>Empresa de Conservas de Vegetales de Ciego de Avila<br>Carretera a Ceballos Km. 2 1/2, Ciego de Avila.<br>27720 / 27218 / 28502<br><a href="mailto:argelio@conservas.cav.co.cu">argelio@conservas.cav.co.cu</a> <p>58<br>Empresa Productora y Distribuidora de Alimentos de Holguín<br>Cervantes # 64 entre Cuba y Prado<br>42-3761 / 42-4026<br><a href="mailto:numa@holguin.inf.cu">numa@holguin.inf.cu</a> <p>59<br>Complejo Agroindustrial Arrocero¨Fernando Echenique¨<br>Ave. Francisco V. Aguilera No.12, Bayamo, Granma<br>482676/ 482506 <p>60<br>Empresa Derivados del Cacao¨Ruben Suárez Abella¨<br>Carretera de Mabujado · 54 Baracoa, Guantánamo.<br>4-2602/ 4-2646/ 4-2637/ 4-3754<br><a href="mailto:root@choco.gtmo.inf.cu">root@choco.gtmo.inf.cu</a> <p>61<br>STELLA, S.A.<br>Calle 5ta e esq 168 Zona 7 Alamar Habana del Este<br>7663991 al 93<br><a href="mailto:leila@stella.com.cu">leila@stella.com.cu</a><br>STELLA, S.A.<br>www.stella-stic.com <p>62<br>Internacional Cubana de Tabacos, S.A.<br>Ave. Independencia No. 34501 E/ 345 y 1ro de Mayo, Boyeros. Ciudad de La Habana.<br>683-9038 ext 130 / 57-9196<br><a href="mailto:lerodriguez@ictsa.cu">lerodriguez@ictsa.cu</a><br>ICT <p>63<br>Empresa de Productos Lácteos Río Zaza<br>Carretera A Zaza del Medio Km. 1 Sancti Spíritus.<br>2 46 61/23670/28027<br><a href="mailto:riozaza@enet.cu">riozaza@enet.cu</a><br>NELA <p>64<br>Empresa de Productos Lácteos Bayamo<br>Ave. Jimmy Hirtzel s/n. Bayamo. Granma.<br>42-5213 / 42-5235<br><a href="mailto:revilla@lacteo.granma.inf.cu">revilla@lacteo.granma.inf.cu</a> <p>65<br>Empresa Pecuaria MACUN<br>Calle Céspedes No. 164 Esq. Clara Bartón. Sagua de la Grande. Villa Clara.<br>6 2905 / 6 4600/ 6 3902<br><a href="mailto:macunvc@civc.inf.cu">macunvc@civc.inf.cu</a><a href="mailto:alain@macun.vel.cu">alain@macun.vel.cu</a><br>MACUN <p>66<br>Empresa Azucarera ¨Dos Ríos¨<br>Ave. Girón S/N. Batey Dos Ríos. Palma Soriano. Santiago de Cuba.<br>(0225) 3463 / 3558<br><a href="mailto:director@cai623.sc.minaz.cu">director@cai623.sc.minaz.cu</a><br>CAI ¨Dos Ríos¨ <p>67<br>Empresa Pecuaria Rectángulo<br>Finca Palo Quemado. Apdo. No. 5. Guáimaro. Camagüey.<br>82502 82667 <p>68<br>Terminal Refrigerada TERREF<br>Ensenada de Pote y Atarés. Habana Vieja. Ciudad de La Habana.<br>861-2566 /861-2602<br><a href="mailto:direccion@terref.telemar.cu">direccion@terref.telemar.cu</a><br>TERREF <p>69<br>Empresa Pecuaria Vertientes<br>5ta.Ave.No.67 entre C y D, Vertientes<br>37524 / 37232 / 37565<br><a href="mailto:dvert@eimanet.co.cu">dvert@eimanet.co.cu</a> <p>70<br>Cervecería Bucanero, S.A.<br>Circunvalacióm Sur Km 31/2, Holguín<br>2048557 / 468767/ 468226<br><a href="mailto:ada.cabrera@bucanero.com.cu">ada.cabrera@bucanero.com.cu</a> <p>71<br>Empresa de Bebidas y Refrescos Santiago de Cuba<br>Avenida Garzón, No. 359, entre Calle 4ta y Avenida de Céspedes, Santiago de Cuba<br>23263/23571<br>EMBER Santiago <p>72<br>Empresa de Cereales de Santiago de Cuba<br>CarreteraTurística, Km 11/2. Punta Jardín. Santiago de Cuba<br>69-1475/69-4071<br><a href="mailto:rey@cst.molin.com.cu">rey@cst.molin.com.cu</a> <p>73<br>Empresa de Productos Lácteos de Matanzas<br>Milanés, # 27416 e/ Magdalena y Matanzas, Matanzas<br>045 287831 al 33 ext. 121 y 223<br><a href="mailto:lacmatanzas@lacmtz.co.cu">lacmatanzas@lacmtz.co.cu</a><br>APLM <p>74<br>Empresa Provincial de la Industria Alimentaria<br>Heredia No. 20 ( Altos) E/ Gallo Y factoría, Santiago de Cuba<br>62-2119/62-4349<br><a href="mailto:erich@epiascu.ciges.inf.cu">erich@epiascu.ciges.inf.cu</a><br>ALIMSAN <p>75<br>Empresa de Bebidas y Refrescos de Granma<br>Calle Zenea No. 273 e/ Saco y H. Hechavarría, Bayamo, Granma<br>42-4617/42-4226<br>EMBER Granma <p>76<br>Grupo Empresarial de Logística del Minagri<br>Calle Calzada de Bejucal esq. A 100<br>8820286 / 8819143<br><a href="mailto:negociosgelma@agrinfor.cu">negociosgelma@agrinfor.cu</a><br>GELMA <p>77<br>Grupo Empresarial Comercializador, Operador y Negociador de Azúcar y sus Derivados<br>Calle 4 No. 111 e/ 1ra y 3era, Playa, Ciudad de la Habana<br>2095160 / 2061484<br><a href="mailto:juridico@conazuc.minaz.cu">juridico@conazuc.minaz.cu</a><br>CONAZUCAR <p>78<br>Empresa Molinera Cárdenas<br>Céspedes Final s/n Zona Portuaria Cárdenas, Matanzas.<br>52-4867 ext. 107<br><a href="mailto:celso@molinera.co.cu">celso@molinera.co.cu</a><br>MAISOL <p>79<br>Complejo Agroindustrial Enrique Varona González<br>Calle Sanguily s/n Falla; municipio Chambas, Ciego de Avila<br>68295 / 68318<br><a href="mailto:sala@cai501.ca.minaz.cu">sala@cai501.ca.minaz.cu</a> <p>80<br>Alcoholes Finos de Caña, S.A.<br>Consejo Popular de Covadonga, Aguada de Pasajeros, Cienfuegos<br>552278<br><a href="mailto:alficsa@enet.cu">alficsa@enet.cu</a><br>ALFICSA <p>81<br>Empresa de Producciones Diversificadas José A. Echeverría<br>Pinillo # 309 e/ Sáez y Carrillo Cárdenas, Matanzas.<br>523462 / 524440<br><a href="mailto:dirjae@jae.mt.minaz.cu">dirjae@jae.mt.minaz.cu</a> <p>82<br>Empresa Mayorista Central de Alimentos<br>San Miguel # 260 e/ Galiano y San Nicolás, Habana Vieja Ciudad de la Habana<br>862 7660 / 862 7517<br><a href="mailto:director@alimec.com.cu">director@alimec.com.cu</a><br>ALIMEC <p>83<br>Unión de Bebidas y Refrescos<br>Carretera La Polar y Línea del Ferrocarril, Cerro.<br>8817135 / 8817813<br><a href="mailto:lazara.romero@ubr.cu">lazara.romero@ubr.cu</a> <p>84<br>Empresa Exportadora de Bebidas y Refrescos<br>Calle 58B esq. 41 No. 4101 Playa<br>207-0130 al 207-0133<br><a href="mailto:deborah@export.ubr.cu">deborah@export.ubr.cu</a> <p>85<br>Empresa de Conservas de Vegetales Turquino<br>Ave. Libertadores # 216 La Aduana, Holguín.<br>48-1992/48-1539<br><a href="mailto:turq@enet.cu">turq@enet.cu</a> <p>86<br>Empresa de Productos Lácteos "ESCAMBRAY"<br>Zona Industrial Km 1 Cumanayagua.<br>(0143)43 3806/ 3 3381<br><a href="mailto:edi@lacteocf.perla.inf.cu">edi@lacteocf.perla.inf.cu</a><br>ESCAMBRAY <p>87<br>Complejo Agroindustrial Siboney<br>Central Siboney s/n, Municipio Sibanicú.<br>388166 / 388117<br>CAI Siboney <p>88<br>Empresa Azucarera Jesus Rabí<br>CAI Jesús Rabí Calimete Matanzas.<br>375181 / 375165<br><a href="mailto:director@ea314.mt.minaz.cu">director@ea314.mt.minaz.cu</a> <p>89<br>OEE Abastecedora del Centro<br>Carretera Central Km 297 Santa Clara, Villa Clara<br>29 1898<br><a href="mailto:abacen@enet.cu">abacen@enet.cu</a><br>ABACEN <p>90<br>Unión Confitera<br>Rodríguez No. 44 e/ Rabí y 10 de Octubre. 10 de Octubre<br>642 9382-87 / 6429381 al 84<br><a href="mailto:direccion@confit.com.cu">direccion@confit.com.cu</a><a href="mailto:juridico@confit.com.cu">juridico@confit.com.cu</a> <p>91<br>Empresa de Productos Lácteos Santiago de Cuba<br>Avenida Victoriano Garzón No. 54<br>627744<br><a href="mailto:harry@lacstg.ciges.inf.cu">harry@lacstg.ciges.inf.cu</a> <p>92<br>Empresa Procesadora de Café Asdrúbal López<br>Cuartel y el 17 Sur, Circunvalación Guantánamo<br>326235/326257<br><a href="mailto:procafe@eimagt.co.cu">procafe@eimagt.co.cu</a><a href="mailto:altoserra@eimagt.co.cu">altoserra@eimagt.co.cu</a><br>Altoserra <p>93<br>Empresa Provincial Integral de la Industria Alimenticia de Granma<br>Av. De los Defiles e/ Ave. Granma y Plaza de la Patria Granma<br>426184 / 425167 / 424848<br><a href="mailto:tiara@grm.alimatic.cu">tiara@grm.alimatic.cu</a> <p>94<br>Empresa Pesquera Industrial de Cienfuegos<br>Carretera a Fertilizantes, Zona Industrial O´Bourque, Cienfuegos<br>52 2262/ 52 2896/ 52 2895<br><a href="mailto:pesca@perla.inf.cu">pesca@perla.inf.cu</a><br>EPICIEN <p>95<br>Empresa Confitera Caibarién<br>Carretera a Remedios Km. 2, Caibarién<br>35 1840/ 36 3376/ 36 3615<br><a href="mailto:comercial@guani.vc.alimatic.cu">comercial@guani.vc.alimatic.cu</a><br>GUANÍ <p>96<br>Empresa Nacional para la Protección de la Flora y la Fauna<br>Ave. Boyeros y Capdevila, Boyeros<br>452008 / 2031433 al 36<br><a href="mailto:mjosefa@ffauna.sih.cu">mjosefa@ffauna.sih.cu</a><br>ENPFF <p>97<br>Empresa de Cítricos Héroes de Girón<br>Carretera Central Australia y Atopista Nacional Km 142 Jagüey Grande<br>913484 / 913245 / 91-3536 al 38<br><a href="mailto:ocastellanos@citricojg.cu">ocastellanos@citricojg.cu</a> <p>98<br>Empresa de Glucosa de Cienfuegos<br>Zona Industrial 2, Cienfuegos<br>523635/ 52 1302/ 52 3574<br><a href="mailto:glucosa@confit.com.cu">glucosa@confit.com.cu</a><br>GYDEMA <p>99<br>Empresa de Bebidas y Refrescos Matanzas<br>Río # 62 entre Santa Teresa y Zaragoza<br>243887/ 245054<br><a href="mailto:emberemt@enet.cu">emberemt@enet.cu</a><br>EMBER Matanzas <p>100<br>Bodegas del Caribe, S.A.<br>Calle 5ta Avenida No. 18004, entre 180 y 182, Playa, Municipio Playa<br>2729915 7 / 2729914 / 2729916<br><a href="mailto:bodecar@enet.cu">bodecar@enet.cu</a> <p>101<br>Empresa de Producción de Piensos de Cienfuegos<br>Zona Industrial # 2, O´Bourque, Cienfuegos<br>0432 52 1356/ 52 2570<br><a href="mailto:pienso@eimacfg.co.cu">pienso@eimacfg.co.cu</a>/<br>Piensos Cienfuegos <p>102<br>Empresa Industrial de Alimentos<br>Hacendado # 55, e/ Línea del Ferrocarril y Ave. del Puerto, Habana Vieja<br>8609440 / 8635873/8634291<br><a href="mailto:comercial@indal.telemar.cu">comercial@indal.telemar.cu</a> /<a href="mailto:director@indal.telemar.cu">director@indal.telemar.cu</a><br>INDAL <p>103<br>Empresa de Bebidas y Refrescos de Santi Spíritus<br>Bartolomé Masó 263 entre Buena Vista y Santa Elena, Santi Spiritus<br>22612/ 24451/ 25296<br><a href="mailto:emberss@vcalimatic.cu">emberss@vcalimatic.cu</a><br>EMBER S.Spíritus <p>104<br>Empresa Azucarera "Ciro Redondo"<br>Eduardo Palmero # 8, Ciro Redondo<br>36203<br><a href="mailto:marketing@cai515.ca.minaz.cu">marketing@cai515.ca.minaz.cu</a> <p>105<br>Empresa Azucarera "Chile"<br>Jesús Menéndez s/n central Chile, San Luis<br>87109/ 87242<br><a href="mailto:director@cai633.sc.minaz.cu">director@cai633.sc.minaz.cu</a> <p>106<br>Empresa Agropecuaria de Santiago de Cuba<br>Calle 6 y Ave. Las Américas<br>623817<br><a href="mailto:director@alimento.sc.minaz.cu">director@alimento.sc.minaz.cu</a> <p>107<br>Empresa de Cultivos Varios Horquita<br>Calle Mariana Grajales, final; Horquita, Abreus.<br>0143 58 9266/ 58 9247<br>HORQUITA <p>108<br>Unión de Conservas y Vegetales<br>Calle E # 152, esquina a Calzada, Vedado<br>8322576/ 8324230<br><a href="mailto:union@consva.com.cu">union@consva.com.cu</a> <p>109<br>EMPRESA PESCA CARIBE<br>Calle La Rua, s/n y Final, Cojimar Habana del Este<br>7630028 (priv) y 7623937<br><a href="mailto:alejandro@pcaribe.telemar.cu">alejandro@pcaribe.telemar.cu</a> <p>110<br>Empresa de Servicios y Aseguramiento de la Agricultura de Ciudad de La Habana<br>Patria # 60 entre Calzada del Cerro y Final, Cerro.<br>8782065 / 8782847 / 8785773<br><a href="mailto:asstach@sih.cu">asstach@sih.cu</a> /<a href="mailto:catuca@cenia.inf.cu">catuca@cenia.inf.cu</a><br>ESACH <p>111<br>Empresa Azucarera "Julio Antonio Mella"<br>Calle Ingenio # 4, Municipio Mella<br>02257398<br><a href="mailto:director@cai623.sc.minaz.cu">director@cai623.sc.minaz.cu</a> <p>112<br>Empresa Pesquera de Granma<br>Ave. Camilo Cienfuegos km. 1, Manzanillo<br>54717<br><a href="mailto:delia@pescag.co.cu">delia@pescag.co.cu</a><br>PESCAGRAN <p>113<br>Empresa Cítricos Arimao<br>Carretera a Cienfuegos No. 137 Cumanayagua. Cieunfuegos<br>0143 43 3031/ 43 3324<br><a href="mailto:omar@cit.arimao.colombus.cu">omar@cit.arimao.colombus.cu</a><br>CITAR <p>114<br>Empresa Provincial de Acopio de Camagüey<br>Calle Principe No. 57 e/ General Gómez y San Ramón. Camagüey<br>297342<br><a href="mailto:acopio@eimanet.co.cu">acopio@eimanet.co.cu</a> <p>115<br>Grupo Empresarial Agroindustrial de Santiago de Cuba<br>Calle L s/n e/ Ave. Las Américas y Calle 6ta. Reparto Sueño. Santiago de Cuba<br>653561 / 622246<br><a href="mailto:presidente@gea.sc.minaz.cu">presidente@gea.sc.minaz.cu</a><br>PREMAG <p>116<br>Empresa Azucarera Ignacio Agramonte<br>Batey Central Ignacio Agramonte, Florida Camagüey<br>53349 / 53012<br><a href="mailto:sasa@agramonte.cm.minaz.cu">sasa@agramonte.cm.minaz.cu</a> <p>117<br>Empresa de Producciones Diversificadas Patria o Muerte<br>Calle 1ra. No. 60, Patri, Ciego de Avila<br>03355512 / 5514 / 5511<br><a href="mailto:direccion@epdpatria.ca.minaz.cu">direccion@epdpatria.ca.minaz.cu</a> <p>118<br>Empresa de Productos Lácteos Metropolitana<br>Concha No. 1 Esquina a Cristina. Habana Vieja.<br>992682 / 557154<br><a href="mailto:delia@1metro.alimatic.cu">delia@1metro.alimatic.cu</a> <p>119<br>Empresa de Bebidas y Refrescos Guantánamo<br>17 Sur e/ 4 y 5 Oeste s/n Guantánamo<br>326837<br><a href="mailto:rdupuy@dondiego.gtmo.inf.cu">rdupuy@dondiego.gtmo.inf.cu</a><a href="mailto:dondiego@enet.cu">dondiego@enet.cu</a><br>EMBER Guantánamo <p>120<br>Instituto Nacional de Investigaciones de la Caña de Azúcar<br>Carretera CAI Martínez Prieto, KM 2 y medio. Boyeros<br>262 4436 260 2571<br><a href="mailto:negocios@inica.edu.cu">negocios@inica.edu.cu</a><br>INICA <p>121<br>Empresa Forestal Integral Sancti Spíritus<br>Máximo Gómez No. 55 Norte e/ C Calderon y Tirso Marin, Sancti Spíritus<br>325508 / 322345<br><a href="mailto:efiss@enet.cu">efiss@enet.cu</a> <p>122<br>Empresa de Conservas de Vegetales Villa Clara<br>San Pablo No. 4 e/ Máximo Gómez y Juan Bruno Zayas, Villa Clara<br>202162 / 203791<br><a href="mailto:convc@enet.cu">convc@enet.cu</a> <p>123<br>Empresa de Talleres Agropecuarios Villa Clara<br>Calle Cornelio s/n e/ Oquendo y Raul Alvarez, Reparto Virginia, Santa Clara.<br>291166 / 223913<br><a href="mailto:agrometvc@enet.cu">agrometvc@enet.cu</a> /<a href="mailto:agrometal@enet.cu">agrometal@enet.cu</a> <p>124<br>Empresa Importadora Exportadora de Equipos y Piezas de Ingeniería<br>Línea No. 8 Piso 6 e/ N y O. Vedado<br>8369650<br><a href="mailto:gilberto@alimpex.co.cu">gilberto@alimpex.co.cu</a> /<a href="mailto:krodiles@alimpex.co.cu">krodiles@alimpex.co.cu</a><br>ALIMPEX <p>125<br>Empresa Torrefactora de Café Regil<br>Independencia 189 Esq. Aranguren. Guanabacoa.<br>7979052 7976088<br><a href="mailto:caferegil@enet.cu">caferegil@enet.cu</a> <p>126<br>Empresa Mayorista de Suministros Agropecuarios<br>Ave. Independencia No. 12555 esq. Capdevilla<br>6454300<br><a href="mailto:isis@emsa.sih.cu">isis@emsa.sih.cu</a><a href="mailto:raulito@emsa.sih.cu">raulito@emsa.sih.cu</a><br>EMSA <p>127<br>Empresa de Aseguramiento Logístico del Tabaco<br>Ave. 315 No. 16205 e/ 162 y 164<br>6849737-38-39<br><a href="mailto:raul@logitabacuba.cu">raul@logitabacuba.cu</a><a href="mailto:rene@logitabacuba.cu">rene@logitabacuba.cu</a><a href="mailto:magali@logitabacuba.cu">magali@logitabacuba.cu</a><a href="mailto:aylin@logitabacuba.cu">aylin@logitabacuba.cu</a><br>Logitabacuba <p>128<br>Grupo Empresarial Frutícola<br>Av. Independencia No.11111 esq. Vento<br>6438302/6438269/6438227<br><a href="mailto:despacho@gef.cu">despacho@gef.cu</a> <a href="mailto:rgm@gef.cu">rgm@gef.cu</a><a href="mailto:raul@gef.cu">raul@gef.cu</a> <h4> </h4> <h4>Sección Servicios</h4> <p>Agencia Internacional de Inspección, Ajuste de Averías y Otros Servicios Conexos<br>INTERMAR, S.A.<br>Calle F # 560 e/ 23 y 25 Vedado, Ciudad de La Habana<br>833-2493 /94 /833-2281<br><a href="mailto:dacha@casamatriz.intermar.cu">dacha@casamatriz.intermar.cu</a><a href="mailto:comerciales@casamatriz.intermar.cu">comerciales@casamatriz.intermar.cu</a> <p>Agencia de Protección contra Incendios<br>APCI<br>CALLE MORRO, NO. 158, ENTRE COLON Y TROCADERO<br>860-5301/ 861-5958<br><a href="mailto:apci@apci.cu">apci@apci.cu</a> <a href="mailto:marlene@apci.cu">marlene@apci.cu</a> <a href="mailto:lourdes@apci.cu">lourdes@apci.cu</a> <p>Almacenes Universales, S.A.<br>AUSA<br>Calle Fábrica e/ Aspura y Línea del Ferrocarril. Habana Vieja<br>690-2359 / 690-2360<br><a href="mailto:presidencia@cmatriz.ausa.cu">presidencia@cmatriz.ausa.cu</a> <a href="mailto:leila@cmatriz.ausa.cu">leila@cmatriz.ausa.cu</a><a href="mailto:eduardo@cmatriz.ausa.cu">eduardo@cmatriz.ausa.cu</a> <p>Asistencia al Turista, S.A.<br>ASISTUR<br>Paseo del Prado No. 208, e/ Trocadero y colón, Habana Vieja. Ciudad de La Habana<br>866-8859<br><a href="mailto:asistur@asistur.cu">asistur@asistur.cu</a>/ <a href="mailto:jrol@asistur.cu">jrol@asistur.cu</a> <p>Asociación Nacional de Innovadores y Racionalizadores<br>ANIR<br>Calle 40 No. 518 e/ 5ta.-A y 7ma., Miramar, Playa Ciudad de La Habana<br>209-6670 / 203-4418<br><a href="mailto:anir@ceniai.inf.cu">anir@ceniai.inf.cu</a> <p>Banco Popular de Ahorro<br>B.P.A.<br>Calle 16 No. 306 e/ 3ra. y 5ta., Miramar, Playa, Ciudad de La Habana<br>203-0247<br><a href="mailto:margarita@mail.bpa.cu">margarita@mail.bpa.cu</a> <p>Bufete Balsanyda y Asociados<br>(none)<br>Calle2 Nº 115 e/ 1ra y 3ra, Miramar, Playa<br>204-0672 / 204-5944/204-5945<br><a href="mailto:mirita@compunet.co.cu">mirita@compunet.co.cu</a> <a href="mailto:alex@compunet.co.cu">alex@compunet.co.cu</a> <p>Bufete Internacional<br>B.I.<br>Calle 5ta Avenida No. 16202, esq. 162, Rpto. Flores, Playa, Ciudad de La Habana<br>204-51-26/ 204-5127<br><a href="mailto:directora@bufeteinternacional.cu">directora@bufeteinternacional.cu</a> <p>División de Mensajería y Cambio Internacional<br>CUBAPOST-EMS<br>Vento y Camaguey<br>646-4600<br><a href="mailto:orestes@ecc.cu">orestes@ecc.cu</a> <p>Grupo Empresarial Comercial Caracol<br>CARACOL, S.A.<br>Calle 1ra. No. 2003 e/ 20 y 22, Miramar, Ciudad de La Habana<br>204-1618 / 204-1408 / 204 -1618<br><a href="mailto:preside@caracol.cu">preside@caracol.cu</a> <a href="mailto:isabel@caracol.cu">isabel@caracol.cu</a> <p>Centro de Gestión de la Información y Desarrollo de la Energía<br>CUBAENERGÍA<br>Calle 20 No. 4111 e/ 18-A y 47, Miramar, Playa Ciudad de La Habana.<br>203-1412 / 202-7527<br><a href="mailto:aldama@cubaenergia.cu">aldama@cubaenergia.cu</a> / <a href="mailto:mariat@cubaenergia.cu">mariat@cubaenergia.cu</a> <p>Compañía Turística HABAGUANEX S.A.<br>HABAGUANEX S.A.<br>Oficios No. 110 e/ Amargura y Lamparilla, Habana Vieja, Ciudad de La Habana<br>861-1035<br><a href="mailto:gerencia.comercial@enet.cu">gerencia.comercial@enet.cu</a> <p>Consultores Asociados, S.A.<br>CONAS, S.A.<br>5ta. Ave. No. 2201 esq. A 22, Miramar, Ciudad de La Habana<br>204-0781/ 204-0207 / 204-2988<br><a href="mailto:conas@conas.co.cu">conas@conas.co.cu</a> / <a href="mailto:elvira@conas.co.cu">elvira@conas.co.cu</a> <p>Consultorías y Avalúos S.A.<br>CONAVANA, S.A.<br>Calle 8 No. 306 e/ 13 y 15, Vedado, Ciudad de La Habana<br>836-7342/ 43 833 2516/17<br><a href="mailto:consultores@conavana.cu">consultores@conavana.cu</a> <a href="mailto:leiskia@conavana.cu">leiskia@conavana.cu</a><a href="mailto:tania@conavana.cu">tania@conavana.cu</a> <p>Corporación Panamericana, S.A.<br>(none)<br>Ave. 7ma. No. 6209 e/ 62 y 66, Miramar<br>204-2728 /202-9088<br><a href="mailto:presidenciapanam@centralholding.com">presidenciapanam@centralholding.com</a>/<a href="mailto:negocios@centralholding.com">negocios@centralholding.com</a> <p>Cubadeportes, S.A.<br>CDP<br>Calle 20 No. 710 e/ 7ma. y 9na., Miramar, Ciudad de La Habana.<br>204-4217/ 204-8715<br><a href="mailto:gral@cubadeportes.cu">gral@cubadeportes.cu</a> / <a href="mailto:agencia1@cubadeportes.cu">agencia1@cubadeportes.cu</a> <p>Empresa Comercializadora de Materias Primas y Productos Intermedios<br>MAPRINTER<br>Calle 23 No. 55 8vo. Piso, Vedado.<br>838-0645 / 885-2971 al 73<br><a href="mailto:direccion@maprinter.mincex.cu">direccion@maprinter.mincex.cu</a> /<a href="mailto:odalys@maprinter.mincex.cu">odalys@maprinter.mincex.cu</a> <p>Empresa Cubana Importadora y Exportadora de Productos Técnicos<br>TECNOIMPORT<br>Ave.Puerto,Edif. La Marina, 4to piso, e/ Juztìs y Obrapìa, No 102 .<br>869 56 01 / 861 55 52<br><a href="mailto:romero@ti.gae.com.cu">romero@ti.gae.com.cu</a>/ <a href="mailto:mora@ti.gae.com.cu">mora@ti.gae.com.cu</a> <p>Empresa Cubana Importadora y Exportadora de Servicios, Artículos y Productos Especializados<br>TECNOTEX<br>Calle San Pedro y Obrapía, Edificio La Marina.<br>861-5526 / 861-3536<br><a href="mailto:jdespacho@tecnotex.gae.com.cu">jdespacho@tecnotex.gae.com.cu</a> /<a href="mailto:daniel@tecnotex.gae.com.cu">daniel@tecnotex.gae.com.cu</a> <p>Empresa Especializada Importadora, Exportadora y Distribuidora para la Ciencia y la Técnica<br>EMIDICT<br>Calle 16 No. 102 esq. a 1ra.Miramar.<br>203-4647 / 202-8435<br><a href="mailto:calixto@emidict.com.cu">calixto@emidict.com.cu</a> <a href="mailto:regla@emidict.com.cu">regla@emidict.com.cu</a> <p>Empresa Importadora-Exportadora de Abastecimientos Técnicos<br>EMIAT<br>Calle 20 No. 519 e/ 5ta y 7ma, Miramar, Playa<br>203-0345 / 203-0389 / 203- 0213<br><a href="mailto:olgal@emiat.co.cu">olgal@emiat.co.cu</a> / <a href="mailto:rita@emiat.co.cu">rita@emiat.co.cu</a> <p>Empresa Nacional de Frigoríficos<br>ENFRIGO<br>Muralla No. 454 e/ Cristo y Villegas, Habana Vieja, Ciudad de La Habana<br>862-3556 / 861-2660 /8627005<br><a href="mailto:direccion@enfrigo.com.cu">direccion@enfrigo.com.cu</a> <p>Empresa Nacional de Producción y Servicios a la Educación Superior<br>E.N.P.S.E.S<br>Calle San Miguel 1111 e/ Mazón y Basarrate, Vedado, Ciudad de La Habana<br>no hay<br><a href="mailto:onelm@assets.com.cu">onelm@assets.com.cu</a> <p>Grupo Empresarial Campismo Popular<br>GECP<br>Calle 15 No. 752 esq. a Paseo, Vedado, Ciudad de La Habana<br>8305536 al 39<br><a href="mailto:eduardito@campismopopular.cu">eduardito@campismopopular.cu</a> /<a href="mailto:juridico@campismopopular.cu">juridico@campismopopular.cu</a> <p>Comercializadora ITH, S.A.<br>ITH<br>Calle 15 No. 851 e/ 4 y 6, Plaza de la Revolución, Ciudad de la Habana Cuba<br>8312149 / 8310427 al 35 ext 175<br><a href="mailto:presidente@ith.cu">presidente@ith.cu</a> <a href="mailto:oria@ith.cu">oria@ith.cu</a> <a href="mailto:antonio@ith.cu">antonio@ith.cu</a> <p>Grupo Empresarial Emprestur S.A.<br>EMPRESTUR, S.A.<br>Calle 19 No. 1002 Esq. A 10, Vedado, Ciudad de La Habana<br>831-9595 -128<br><a href="mailto:comercial@emprestur.tur.cu">comercial@emprestur.tur.cu</a> <p>Empresa de Seguros Nacionales<br>ESEN<br>Calle 5ta. No. 306 e/ C y D, Vedado, Ciudad de La Habana<br>830-3293 / 832-2508 / 832-5510<br><a href="mailto:humberto@esen.com.cu">humberto@esen.com.cu</a> <a href="mailto:drb@esen.com.cu">drb@esen.com.cu</a> <p>Equipo de Servicios de Traductores e Intérpretes<br>ESTI<br>Calle Línea No. 507 e/ D y E, Vedado, Ciudad de La Habana.<br>832-7586 al 89 / 835-1208<br><a href="mailto:lida.rodriguez@esti.cu">lida.rodriguez@esti.cu</a> <a href="mailto:milagros.franco@esti.cu">milagros.franco@esti.cu</a> <p>Grupo de Turismo Gaviota<br>GAVIOTA, S.A.<br>Edificio La Marina, Ave del Puerto No. 102 e/ Justiz y Obrapía, Habana Vieja, Ciudad de La Habana<br>866-6777 ext 2370, 2364, 2294<br><a href="mailto:despacho@gaviota..cu">despacho@gaviota..cu</a> <p>Grupo Empresarial GEOCUBA<br>GEOCUBA<br>Calle 19 esquina 84. Playa. La Habana. 11300. Cuba<br>202-2891 / 204-2869<br><a href="mailto:eladio@geocuba.cu">eladio@geocuba.cu</a> / <a href="mailto:sires@geocuba.cu">sires@geocuba.cu</a> <p>Inmobiliaria Fénix, S.A.<br>FENIX S.A.<br>Calle Monserrate No. 261 e/ San Juan de Dios y Empedrado, Habana Vieja, Ciudad de la Habana<br>862-9310 / 862-9370<br><a href="mailto:sp@fenix-sa.cu">sp@fenix-sa.cu</a> <p>Instituto de Cibernética, Matemática y Física<br>ICIMAF<br>Calle 15 No. 551 e/ C y D, Vedado,<br>832-7764 / 832-2688<br><a href="mailto:luis@icmf.cu">luis@icmf.cu</a> / <a href="mailto:betty@icmf.cu">betty@icmf.cu</a> <p>Instituto de Geografía Tropical<br>IGT<br>Calle F No. 302 e/ 13 y 15, Vedado, Ciudad de La Habana<br>832-4295 / 832-1108 / 832-0262<br><a href="mailto:norka@geotech.cu">norka@geotech.cu</a> <a href="mailto:marlen@geotech.cu">marlen@geotech.cu</a> <p>Instituto de Información Científica y Tecnológica<br>IDICT<br>18 A e/ 41 y 47<br>203-1850 / 202-7885<br><a href="mailto:carmen@idict.cu">carmen@idict.cu</a> / <a href="mailto:fcaballero@idict.cu">fcaballero@idict.cu</a> <p>Instituto de Proyectos Azucareros<br>IPROYAZ<br>Carretera al CAI Martínez Prieto, km 21/2, Boyeros, Ciudad de La Habana<br>260-9431/ 267-7615<br><a href="mailto:dir.negocios@iproyaz.co.cu">dir.negocios@iproyaz.co.cu</a> <p>Inversiones Gamma, S.A.<br>(none)<br>Calle 14 No. 308 e/ 3ra. y 5ta., Miramar, Ciudad de La Habana<br>204-9153 / 202-2525 / 202-2515 / 204-9117<br><a href="mailto:gamma@gamma.com.cu">gamma@gamma.com.cu</a> / <a href="mailto:adrian@gamma.com.cu">adrian@gamma.com.cu</a> <p>Agentes de Propiedad Industrial<br>LEX, S.A<br>Ave 1ra. No. 1001 esq. a 10, Miramar, Playa Ciudad de La Habana<br>204-9093 / 204-3678 / 204-1657<br>/ <a href="mailto:juridico1@lex-sa.cu">juridico1@lex-sa.cu</a> <p>Empresa Fama<br>FAMA<br>Mercaderes No. 26 e/ O`Reilly y Empedrado. Habana Vieja<br>862-8553 / 862-5086-87 / 862-5088<br><a href="mailto:direccion@fama.cu">direccion@fama.cu</a> <p>Oficina Nacional de Diseño Industrial<br>ONDI<br>Ave. 47 No. 3446 e/ Ave. 41 y Calle 34, Rpto. Kohly, Ciudad de La Habana.<br>203-0797 / 203-0432 / 203-0697<br>no hay por el momento <p>Grupo Empresarial PALCO<br>Grupo PALCO<br>Calle 146 e/ 11 y 13, Cubanacán, Playa, Ciudad de La Habana<br>202-6011 al 19 / 204-1700 /208 -5312<br><a href="mailto:maciques@palco.cu">maciques@palco.cu</a> / <a href="mailto:isabel@palco.cu">isabel@palco.cu</a> <p>Centro de Tecnología y Calidad<br>CTEC<br>Reina No. 410 e/ Gervasio y Escobar, Centro Habana, Ciudad de la Habana<br>862-1276 / 863-1288 / 862-1230<br><a href="mailto:lazaro@ctec.co.cu">lazaro@ctec.co.cu</a> <a href="mailto:lolarena@cetec.cu">lolarena@cetec.cu</a><a href="mailto:llarena@ctec.cu">llarena@ctec.cu</a> <p>Financiera CIMEX, S.A.<br>FINCIMEX, S.A.<br>Calle 8 No.319 e/. 5ta y 3era, Miramar.<br>204-1813 / 204-3191 / 204-7929<br><a href="mailto:lmartinez@cimex.com.cu">lmartinez@cimex.com.cu</a> <p>Corporación CIMEX, S.A.<br>CIMEX, S.A.<br>Calle Primera e/ 0 y 2. Miramar.<br>203-9815 / 203-9816<br><a href="mailto:oroza@cimex.com.cu">oroza@cimex.com.cu</a> / <a href="mailto:sandra@cimex.com.cu">sandra@cimex.com.cu</a><a href="mailto:mariela@cimex.com.cu">mariela@cimex.com.cu</a> <p>Seguros Internacionales de Cuba, S.A.<br>ESICUBA<br>Cuba No. 314 e/ Obispo y Obrapía.<br>862-8031-38 ext. 1410 / 866-8400-01<br><a href="mailto:mariaantonia@esicuba.cu">mariaantonia@esicuba.cu</a> / <a href="mailto:josecarlos@esicuba.cu">josecarlos@esicuba.cu</a> <p>Servicios Especializados de Protección, S.A.<br>SEPSA S.A.<br>Calle Morro no 159 e/Trocadero y Colón<br>864-8436<br><a href="mailto:mayte.dgs@sepsa.cu">mayte.dgs@sepsa.cu</a>/ <a href="mailto:romero.dgs@sepsa.cu">romero.dgs@sepsa.cu</a> <p>Servicios Internacionales de Supervisión CUBACONTROL, S.A.<br>CUBACONTROL, S.A<br>Calle Conill No. 580 esq. a 26, Nuevo Vedado<br>855-5733<br><a href="mailto:juliopg@cubacontrol.com.cu">juliopg@cubacontrol.com.cu</a> /<a href="mailto:alexanderrpr@cubacontrol.com.cu">alexanderrpr@cubacontrol.com.cu</a> <p>Servicios de Seguridad Integral, S.A.<br>SEISA<br>Calle 10 No 122 esq. 3ra. Miramar, Playa<br>204-8000 ext 500/505<br><a href="mailto:adelina@seisa.cu">adelina@seisa.cu</a> / <a href="mailto:yamilet@seisa.cu">yamilet@seisa.cu</a> <p>Consultores y Abogados Internacionales<br>CONABI<br>Edificio Casa Palacio, Lonja del Comercio, 2J, Calle Lamparilla No. 2, Habana Vieja<br>8608866 / 8614560 / 8618273<br><a href="mailto:jtorres@conabi.cu">jtorres@conabi.cu</a> <p>Intercambio Científico Educacional<br>ICE<br>Calle 24 No. 116 e/ 1ra. y 3ra., Miramar, Ciudad de La Habana<br>202-2273/203-3221/203-3009<br><a href="mailto:ice@ceniai.inf.cu">ice@ceniai.inf.cu</a> <p>Empresa de Diseño y Comercializadora<br>SEDIS<br>Calzada de Luyanó No.802 entre Línea del Ferrocarril y López, Luyanó<br>698-3748 /698-8209 /699-1596<br><a href="mailto:direccion@sedis.cu">direccion@sedis.cu</a>, <a href="mailto:sedis@sedis.cu">sedis@sedis.cu</a> <p>Bufete de Servicios Especializados<br>BES<br>Calle 23 , No 501 esq J. Vedado.<br>832-6813 / 832-6024 / 835 -3160<br><a href="mailto:nuris.bes@onbc.cu">nuris.bes@onbc.cu</a> / <a href="mailto:besnet@ceniai.inf.cu">besnet@ceniai.inf.cu</a> <p>Empresa de Contratación de Asistencia Técnica<br>CUBATECNICA<br>Calle 12 No. 513 e/ 5ta y 7ma, .Miramar, Ciudad de La Habana<br>202-7455 / 202-3270<br><a href="mailto:zoe@cubatecnica.cu">zoe@cubatecnica.cu</a> <p>Instituto de Investigaciones Agropecurias " Jorge Dimitrov"<br>(none)<br>Carretera Bayamo-Manzanillo Km 16 1/2, Peralejos. Bayamo<br>48 4267 483254 / 483257 / 483235<br><a href="mailto:mvcisnero@dimitrov.cu">mvcisnero@dimitrov.cu</a>/ <a href="mailto:jlnaranjo@dimitroc.cu">jlnaranjo@dimitroc.cu</a> <p>Instituto de Geología y Paleontología<br>IGP<br>Vía Blanca No. 1002 e/ Carretera Central y Línea del Ferrocarril, San Miguel del Padrón.<br>696- 7232 / 696- 7079<br><a href="mailto:bienvenido@igp.gms.minbas.cu">bienvenido@igp.gms.minbas.cu</a><a href="mailto:kenya@igp.gms.minbas.cu">kenya@igp.gms.minbas.cu</a> <p>Grupo Hotelero Gran Caribe, S.A.<br>(none)<br>Ave. 7ma Nro 4210 e/ 42 y 44 Playa, Ciudad de La Habana<br>204-0575/ 204-0572<br><a href="mailto:presidencia@grancaribe.gca.tur.cu">presidencia@grancaribe.gca.tur.cu</a> <p>Recinto de Exposiciones de Holguín<br>Expo-Holguín<br>Avenida de Los Libertadores Nro 144, Holguín<br>48-2111 / 48-2431<br><a href="mailto:isanchez@expo.holguin.cu">isanchez@expo.holguin.cu</a>/ <a href="mailto:mcano@expo.holguin.cu">mcano@expo.holguin.cu</a> <p>Empresa Nacional de Investigaciones Aplicadas<br>ENIA<br>Calle 100 Nro 9107 e/ Vento y 16 Altahabana, Boyeros, Ciudad de La Habana, CP 10800<br>683-4189<br><a href="mailto:valle@enia.co.cu">valle@enia.co.cu</a> <p>Centro de Estudios de Tecnologías Avanzadas<br>CETA<br>Calle 22 entre 1ra y Mar. Miramar<br>204-0745<br><a href="mailto:amiranda@ceta.cujae.edu.cu">amiranda@ceta.cujae.edu.cu</a> /<a href="mailto:japerez@ctea.cujae.edu.cu">japerez@ctea.cujae.edu.cu</a> <p>Grupo de Importación y Exportación de la Oficina Historiador de la Ciudad de La Habana<br>GEI<br>San Ignacio No. 4 e/ Tejadillo y Chacón .<br>861-1187 / 863-9892 / 868- 3579-82<br><a href="mailto:maiten@gei.ohc.cu">maiten@gei.ohc.cu</a> / <a href="mailto:odilioa@gei.ohc.cu">odilioa@gei.ohc.cu</a> <p>Empresa de Ferias Agropecuarias<br>(none)<br>Ave. Independencia No. 31108 Boyeros. Ciudad de La Habana<br>57 9002 / 6839077<br><a href="mailto:feria@enet.cu">feria@enet.cu</a> <p>Empresa de Diseño y Servicios de Ingeniería<br>IDS<br>Calle Línea # 8 e/ N y O, Vedado. Ciudad de la Habana<br>832-6301/ 830-930/ 832- 65 76/78 ext. 104<br><a href="mailto:direccionempresa@empresa.co.cu">direccionempresa@empresa.co.cu</a><a href="mailto:zulema@empresa.co.cu">zulema@empresa.co.cu</a> <p>Agencia de Viajes ECOTUR, S.A.<br>ECOTUR, S.A.<br>Ave. Independencia No. 116 Km. 1 1/2 Esq. Santa Catalina. Cerro<br>6491055, 6487647<br><a href="mailto:dir_gerencia@mail.ecotur.co.cu">dir_gerencia@mail.ecotur.co.cu</a> <p>Empresa Comercializadora Integral de Tecnologías Especiales Desarrolladas<br>Impresos de Seguridad<br>Calle 23, esquina Giralt Arroyo Naranjo.<br>696-7271 / 696-7260<br><a href="mailto:marrero@impreso.co.cu">marrero@impreso.co.cu</a> <p>Centro de Histoterapia Placentaria<br>CHP<br>Calle 18 No.4302 Entre 42 y 47 Miramar, Playa<br>202-0603 / 202-0594<br><a href="mailto:chp@infomed.sld.cu">chp@infomed.sld.cu</a> <a href="mailto:coplanta@infomed.sld.cu">coplanta@infomed.sld.cu</a> <p>Cubamar Viajes, S.A.<br>Cubamar<br>Paseo No. 572 e/ 13 y 15, Vedado, Plaza. Ciudad de La Habana.<br>866-2524 / 866-2523<br><a href="mailto:mayda@cubamarviajes.cu">mayda@cubamarviajes.cu</a> <p>Empresa de Proyectos Agropecuarios Ciudad de La Habana<br>ENPA<br>Conill Esq. Ave. Independencia, Piso 10 Edificio Minag. Plaza<br>884-7440/884-5493 / 884-5269 / 8845537/8845493<br><a href="mailto:castro@enpa.minag.cu">castro@enpa.minag.cu</a> <a href="mailto:neya@enpa.minag.cu">neya@enpa.minag.cu</a> <p>Banco Exterior de Cuba<br>BEC<br>Calle 23 esq a P Vedado. Plaza<br>838-0950/ 838-0794<br><a href="mailto:rpublicas@bec.co.cu">rpublicas@bec.co.cu</a> <a href="mailto:bec@bec.co.cu">bec@bec.co.cu</a> <p>INTERAUDIT, S.A.<br>INTERAUDIT, S.A.<br>Ave. Zoológico # 72 e/ 36 y Ulloa, Nuevo Vedado, Plaza. Ciudad de la Habana<br>883-3179<br><a href="mailto:elvira.armada@interaudir.cu">elvira.armada@interaudir.cu</a><a href="mailto:joice.arcan@interaudit.cu">joice.arcan@interaudit.cu</a> <p>Grupo de Seguros y Servicios Financieros de Cuba, S.A.<br>Grupo Caudal, S.A.<br>Ave. 43 No. 2210 e/ 22 y 24. Playa. Ciudad de La Habana.<br>204-8813 al 22<br><a href="mailto:caudal@caudal.cu">caudal@caudal.cu</a> / <a href="mailto:juanca@caudal.cu">juanca@caudal.cu</a> <p>Aguas de La Habana<br>Aguas de La Habana<br>Fomento y Recreo, Reparto Palatino. Cerro. Ciudad de La Habana.<br>6434950 ext. 216<br><a href="mailto:lcano@ahabana.co.cu">lcano@ahabana.co.cu</a> / <a href="mailto:joller@ahabana.co.cu">joller@ahabana.co.cu</a> <p>Empresa de Gestión del Conocimiento y la Tecnología<br>GECYT<br>Calle 20 No. 4110 E/ 41 y 47 Playa. Ciudad de La Habana<br>203-0160 / 202-7920<br><a href="mailto:milagros@gecyt.cu">milagros@gecyt.cu</a> / <a href="mailto:yoanys@gecyt.cu">yoanys@gecyt.cu</a> <p>Centro Internacional de La Habana, S.A.<br>CIH, S.A.<br>Calle 20 entre 31 A y 33, Miramar. Playa. Ciudad de La Habana.<br>204- 2843 /204-1802<br><a href="mailto:cih@cih.cu">cih@cih.cu</a>/ <a href="mailto:susana@cih.cu">susana@cih.cu</a> <p>Empresa de Servicios de Ingeniería y Diseño de Granma<br>(none)<br>Ave. Frank País, # 46. Rpto: Jesús Menéndez.<br>42-4114/42-5395<br><a href="mailto:helmer@esid.gecgr.co.cu">helmer@esid.gecgr.co.cu</a> <p>Instituto de Geofísica y Astronomía<br>IGA<br>Calle 212 No. 2906 e/ 29 y 31, Rpto. La Coronela, Lisa, Ciudad de la Habana<br>273-9497 / 271- 4331 / 271-0644 /<br><a href="mailto:lpalacio@iga.cu">lpalacio@iga.cu</a> iga@iga <a href="mailto:rmartin@iga.cu">rmartin@iga.cu</a> <p>Empresa Empleadora del Níquel<br>(none)<br>Carrtera El Puerto s/n Rolo Monterrey Moa, Holguín<br>02468205 / 6-2480<br><a href="mailto:ofonseca@cis.moa.minbas.cu">ofonseca@cis.moa.minbas.cu</a> <p>Banco Nacional de Cuba<br>BNC<br>Aguiar 456 e/ Lamparilla y Amargura, Habana Vieja, Ciudad de la Habana<br>8669729 / 8669512 / 8669125<br><a href="mailto:irma@bnc.cu">irma@bnc.cu</a> <p>Empresa de Investigaciones, Proyectos de Ingeniería de Matanzas<br>(none)<br>San Vicente Final S/N.<br>292289 / 292712<br><a href="mailto:direcciongral@eipimz.hidro.cu">direcciongral@eipimz.hidro.cu</a> <a href="mailto:eipimat@enet.cu">eipimat@enet.cu</a><a href="mailto:comercial@eipimz.hidro.cu">comercial@eipimz.hidro.cu</a> <p>Grupo Empresarial Extrahotelero Palmares S.A.<br>GEE PALMARES, S.A.<br>Linea # 60 esq. M, Vedado, Plaza.<br>836-2187<br><a href="mailto:despacho@gee.palmares.cu">despacho@gee.palmares.cu</a> <p>Agencia de Certificación y Consultoría de Seguridad y Protección<br>ACERPROT<br>5ta Ave. # 8213 e/ 82 y 84, Miramar, Playa<br>205-9900 / 205-9753<br><a href="mailto:vladimir@acerprot.co.cu">vladimir@acerprot.co.cu</a>/ <a href="mailto:josefina@acerprot.co.cu">josefina@acerprot.co.cu</a> <p>CUBANACAN EXPRESS, S.A.<br>(none)<br>Calzada Manglar No 578 e/ Calzada de Infanta y Retiro<br>873-6660 /873-6664<br><a href="mailto:dircubex@cubex.tur.cu">dircubex@cubex.tur.cu</a> / <a href="mailto:comcourier@cubex.tur.cu">comcourier@cubex.tur.cu</a> <p>Representaciones Platino, S.A.<br>PLATINO S.A.<br>Calle 16 No. 504 e/ 9na y 5ta Miramar<br>204-6349 / 2048853<br><a href="mailto:eddyramos@platino.co.cu">eddyramos@platino.co.cu</a> / <a href="mailto:platino@platico.co.cu">platino@platico.co.cu</a> <p>Casa Consultora DISAIC<br>DISAIC<br>Calzada de Buenos Aires #100 entre Consejero Arango y Leonor, Cerro<br>877-5976<br><a href="mailto:yovana@disaic.cu">yovana@disaic.cu</a> / <a href="mailto:tamargo@disaic.cu">tamargo@disaic.cu</a> <p>Empresa de Servicios de Aseguramiento de la Calidad<br>ESAC<br>Calle 349 No. 18009 e/ 180 y 160 Rpto 1ro. de Mayo, Boyeros.<br>683-9028 / 683-2057/ 6832058<br><a href="mailto:cristobal@enet.cu">cristobal@enet.cu</a> / <a href="mailto:moreira@esac.co.cu">moreira@esac.co.cu</a> /<a href="mailto:sergio@esac.cu">sergio@esac.cu</a> <a href="mailto:cristobal@enet.cu">cristobal@enet.cu</a> <p>Grupo Internacional de Turoperadores y Agencias de Viajes, Havanatur S.A.<br>HAVANATUR, S.A.<br>Ave 5ta No.18204 e/ 182 y 184,Reparto Flores.<br>272-4646 ext 130 / 272 -4646 ext 143<br><a href="mailto:presidencia@havanatur.cu">presidencia@havanatur.cu</a> / <a href="mailto:mayrasa@havanatur.cu">mayrasa@havanatur.cu</a> <p>Consultoría Jurídica Internacional, S.A.<br>(none)<br>Calle 16 # 314 e/ 3ra y 5ta Avenida, Miramar, Playa<br>204-2490 / 204-3370 / 204-7746<br><a href="mailto:pavon@cji.cu">pavon@cji.cu</a> / <a href="mailto:bacallao@cji.cu">bacallao@cji.cu</a> <p>Zona Especializada de Logística y Comercio, S.A.<br>ZELCOM, S.A.<br>Carretera de Berroa, Km 1 Habana del Este.<br>795-9704/ 795-9137 al 39<br><a href="mailto:mtamara@cimex.com.cu">mtamara@cimex.com.cu</a> <a href="mailto:orield@cimex.com.cu">orield@cimex.com.cu</a> <p>AT Comercial, S.A.<br>AT Comercial<br>Ave del Puerto No. 102 e/ Justiz y Obrapía, Habana Vieja.<br>869-5825 / 866-9848 / 867-0404 ext. 2378<br><a href="mailto:despa_at@gaviota.gav.tur.cu">despa_at@gaviota.gav.tur.cu</a><a href="mailto:alegal_at@gaviota.gav.tur.cu">alegal_at@gaviota.gav.tur.cu</a> <p>Empresa Ejecutora de Donativos<br>EMED<br>Calle 24 # 111 entre 1ra y 3ra, Miramar<br>206-5326<br><a href="mailto:secdireccion@donativos.mincex.cu">secdireccion@donativos.mincex.cu</a> <p>Corporación ANTEX, S.A.<br>ANTEX<br>Edificio La Marina, Avenida del Puerto # 102 esq. Obrapía, Habana Vieja<br>866-2737/ 866-9897/866-8193<br><a href="mailto:pres@antex.co.cu">pres@antex.co.cu</a> <p>Corporación Financiera Azucarera, S.A.<br>ARCAZ<br>Calle 41 No. 7212 e/ 70 y 72 Playa<br>205- 5394-95<br><a href="mailto:mariadelcarmen.dono@arcaz.minaz.cu">mariadelcarmen.dono@arcaz.minaz.cu</a><a href="mailto:manuel.fernandez@arcaz.minaz.cu">manuel.fernandez@arcaz.minaz.cu</a> <p>Grupo Empresarial de la Ciencia, la Tecnología y el Medio Ambiente<br>INNOMAX<br>Calle 20 No 4112 e/ 41 y 47.Playa, La Habana.<br>202-9394/ 2025535<br><a href="mailto:miguelj@innomax.cu">miguelj@innomax.cu</a> <a href="mailto:lazaro@innomax.cu">lazaro@innomax.cu</a> <p>Consultores Legales y Agentes de Invenciones y Marcas, S.A.<br>CLAIM, S.A.<br>Lamparilla No 2, Lonja del Comercio, Planta baja, Oficina G, Habana Vieja<br>866-0755 / 866 0743<br><a href="mailto:presidencia@claim.com.cu">presidencia@claim.com.cu</a> <p>Museo Nacional de la Historia Natural de Cuba<br>MNHN<br>Obispo 61 entree Oficios y Baratillo Habana Vieja<br>863-9361/ 863-9370/ 863-1268<br><a href="mailto:economia@mnhnc.inf.cu">economia@mnhnc.inf.cu</a> <p>Empresa de Correos de Cuba<br>ECC<br>Calzada de Vento Km. 3 ½ entre Camaguey y Línea del Ferrocarril. Cerro<br>646-4666 /64646-74<br><a href="mailto:despacho@ecc.cu">despacho@ecc.cu</a> <p>Banco de Inversiones, S.A.<br>(none)<br>5ta esquina a 68, 6802, Miramar, Playa<br>204-3373 / 204-3374<br><a href="mailto:inversiones@bdi.cu">inversiones@bdi.cu</a>, <a href="mailto:sandro@bdi.cu">sandro@bdi.cu</a> <p>Empresa Prácticos de Puertos de la República de Cuba<br>Prácticos de Cuba<br>San Pedro #1, espigón Sierra Maestra Nº 2 Habana Vieja<br>862-9270 / 862-1840 / 866-8338<br><a href="mailto:prado@epp.trasnet.cu">prado@epp.trasnet.cu</a> / <a href="mailto:yaderyn@epp.trasnet.cu">yaderyn@epp.trasnet.cu</a> <p>Centro de Información y Gestión Tecnológica de Santiago de Cuba<br>MEGACEN<br>Rosado # 459 entre San Gerónimo y Enramada, Santiago<br>65-1308 / 62-7402/ 62-8291<br><a href="mailto:zoe@megacen.ciges.inf.cu">zoe@megacen.ciges.inf.cu</a> <p>Empresa de Servicios de Ingeniería Nº 3<br>ESI # 3<br>Calle 13 No. 8209 E/ 82 y 84. Playa.<br>206-8033 / 206- 7749<br><a href="mailto:direccion@esitres.netcons.com.cu">direccion@esitres.netcons.com.cu</a><a href="mailto:jorge@esitres.netcons.com.cu">jorge@esitres.netcons.com.cu</a> <p>Centro de Investigaciones Metalúrgicas<br>CIME<br>Ave. 51 # 23611, esquina a 240, SanAgustín<br>262-8780 - 84<br><a href="mailto:omar.nieves@magcime.cu">omar.nieves@magcime.cu</a> /<a href="mailto:alexander.leyva@magcime.cu">alexander.leyva@magcime.cu</a> <p>Instituto Nacional de Investigaciones en Metrología<br>INIMET<br>Consulado # 206 entre Ánimas y Trocadero Centro Habana<br>862-0536/ 862-3041-43 / 863- 8802<br><a href="mailto:direccion@inimet.cu">direccion@inimet.cu</a> <a href="mailto:maidique@inimet.cu">maidique@inimet.cu</a> <p>Empresa Habana Inmuebles<br>HINES<br>Desamparados # 201, Habana Vieja.<br>861-7685 / 862-6057 866-2848<br><a href="mailto:sec-ejecutiva@hines.transnet.cu">sec-ejecutiva@hines.transnet.cu</a> <a href="mailto:marcia@hines.cu">marcia@hines.cu</a><a href="mailto:dircomercial@hines.transnet.cu">dircomercial@hines.transnet.cu</a> <p>Instituto de Ecología y Sistemática<br>IES<br>Carretera de Varona, km 3 1/2, Capdevila, Boyeros<br>643-8088 / 643-8780 / 643-8266<br><a href="mailto:direccion.ies@ama.cu">direccion.ies@ama.cu</a> <p>Empresa Provincial de Mantenimiento y Reparación de Ascensores<br>UNISA<br>Ánimas # 459 entre Manrique y San Nicolás, Centro Habana<br>862 -3021 / 23<br><a href="mailto:feyt@unisa.ch.gov.cu">feyt@unisa.ch.gov.cu</a> / <a href="mailto:comercial@unisa.ch.gov.cu">comercial@unisa.ch.gov.cu</a> <p>Gilmar Project, S.A.<br>GILMAR PROJECT, S.A.<br>Calle2 Nº 115 e/ 1ra y 3ra, Miramar, Playa<br>204-1752<br><a href="mailto:gilmar@compunet.co.cu">gilmar@compunet.co.cu</a> <p>Centro de Ingeniería e Investigaciones Químicas<br>CIIQ<br>Vía Blanca E/ Infanta y Palatino. Cerro<br>648 9188 - 92<br><a href="mailto:escsdrnsjur@ciiq.minbas.cu">escsdrnsjur@ciiq.minbas.cu</a> / <a href="mailto:ciiqdir@ciiq.minbas.cu">ciiqdir@ciiq.minbas.cu</a> <p>Parque Zoológico Nacional de Cuba<br>PZN<br>Carretera Varona Km 3 1/2 Cadevila Boyeros<br>683-8054<br><a href="mailto:pzn@ceniai.inf.cu">pzn@ceniai.inf.cu</a> <p>Consultoría Económica CANEC, S.A.<br>CANEC, S.A.<br>Calle C Nº5 e/ 1ra y 3ra, Vedado<br>836-9000 / 836-9009<br><a href="mailto:descirector@canec.co.cu">descirector@canec.co.cu</a> /<a href="mailto:mercadotecnia@canec.co.cu">mercadotecnia@canec.co.cu</a> <p>Unidad Presupuestada Inversionista Oficina del Historiador de La Habana<br>UPI-OHCH<br>Amargura 68 e/ San Ignacio y Mercaderes, Habana Vieja<br>860-8881 al 89 / 862-9540 /86-4203<br><a href="mailto:yamel@upi.ohc.cu">yamel@upi.ohc.cu</a>/ <a href="mailto:johannag@upi.ohc.cu">johannag@upi.ohc.cu</a>/<a href="mailto:klarissa@upi.ohc.cu">klarissa@upi.ohc.cu</a> <p>Grupo Empresarial del Ministerio de Educación Superior<br>GEMES<br>San Miguel # 1111 e/ Mazón y Basarrate. Plaza<br>878-4991 y 92/ 876- 4566<br><a href="mailto:loly@gemes.co.cu">loly@gemes.co.cu</a> / <a href="mailto:carmita@gemes.co.cu">carmita@gemes.co.cu</a> <p>Empresa de Investigaciones y Proyectos Hidráulicos de Villa Clara<br>EIPH<br>Ave Libertadores No 201 entre Jesús Menéndez y Danielito Santa Clara<br>20-2330<br><a href="mailto:willian@iphvc.hidro.cu">willian@iphvc.hidro.cu</a> <p>Empresa Provincial de Seguridad y Protección del Consejo de Administración Provincial<br>SEPRO HOLGUÍN<br>NARCISO LOPEZ NO. 112 ENTRE ARIAS Y AGRAMONTE<br>46-1660 / 47-4074<br>no tiene <p>Centro de Investigaciones Psicológicas y Sociológicas<br>CIPS<br>Calle 15 esq. B No. 352 Vedado<br>830-1451 / 833-5366 / 833-7787<br><a href="mailto:cips@cips.cu">cips@cips.cu</a> <a href="mailto:midominguez@ceniai.inf.cu">midominguez@ceniai.inf.cu</a> <p>Empresa de Soluciones Mecánicas de Cienfuegos<br>SOMEC<br>Avenida 56 No 5106, Entre 51 y 53 Cienfuegos<br>(43)55-02 73<br><a href="mailto:silvia@somec.co.cu">silvia@somec.co.cu</a> / <a href="mailto:h.eduardo@somecfg.co.cu">h.eduardo@somecfg.co.cu</a> <p>Empresa de Investigaciones y Proyectos Hidráulicos de Santiago de Cuba<br>EIPH Santiago de Cuba<br>Ave Las Américas s/n Frente Micro-7 Distrito José Martí Santiago de Cuba<br>634217 / 632928 / 632927<br><a href="mailto:idarmis@egeas.hidro.cu">idarmis@egeas.hidro.cu</a> <p>Comercial Take Off S.A.<br>CTO<br>Calle 15 No. 654 e/ A y B. Vedado C. Habana<br>833- 3626-28<br><a href="mailto:pre@takeoff.avianet.cu">pre@takeoff.avianet.cu</a><a href="mailto:pablo.moreno@takeoff.avianet.cu">pablo.moreno@takeoff.avianet.cu</a> <p>Empresa de Servicios de Ingeniería de Santiago de Cuba<br>ESI<br>Av. Victoriano Garzón No. 61, esq. Carretera Central<br>(022) 65 1189 /65-7475, 65<br><a href="mailto:matamoros@escopas.codesa.co.cu">matamoros@escopas.codesa.co.cu</a> <p>Empresa de Talleres de Cienfuegos<br>ESECT<br>Carretera O´Bourque Km 2 y medio. Zona Industrial No. 2, Cienfuegos<br>51 1528/ 51 2032 / 55 2300<br><a href="mailto:director@eseec.co.cu">director@eseec.co.cu</a> <p>Empresa Geocuba Villa Clara Sancti Spíritus<br>(none)<br>Carretera Central No. 58 Esq. Toscano. Santa Clara<br>042- 202625 / 206672<br><a href="mailto:bilma@vclgeocuba.cu">bilma@vclgeocuba.cu</a> <p>Agencia de Energía Nuclear y Tecnologías de Avanzada<br>AENTA<br>Calle 20 No. 4709 e/ 47 y 18 A,<br>202-2529 / 206-2754<br><a href="mailto:santana@aen.energia.inf.cu">santana@aen.energia.inf.cu</a> / <a href="mailto:jld@aen.energia.inf.cu">jld@aen.energia.inf.cu</a> <p>Empresa de Servicios a la Ciencia, Tecnología y Medio Ambiente<br>SERVICITMA<br>Calle 18 A No. 4126 esq. 47. Miramar<br>202-7885 /203-0037/ 206-7799<br><a href="mailto:dgsegen@ceniai.inf.cu">dgsegen@ceniai.inf.cu</a> <a href="mailto:yamile@gesegen.cu">yamile@gesegen.cu</a><a href="mailto:jestrada@gesegen.cu">jestrada@gesegen.cu</a> <p>Empresa Cubana de Aeropuertos y Servicios Aeronáuticos, S.A<br>ECASA, S.A<br>Ave. Independencia km 15 1/2, e/ Van Troi y 343<br>649- 5137<br><a href="mailto:franco@ecasa.avianet.cu">franco@ecasa.avianet.cu</a> / <a href="mailto:urda@ecasa.avianet.cu">urda@ecasa.avianet.cu</a> <p>Empresa Estatal Socialista GEOCUBA La Habana<br>GEOCUBA La Habana<br>Loma y 39. Nuevo Vedado<br>881- 6942 / 881- 7088<br><a href="mailto:pascual@geosi.geocuba.cu">pascual@geosi.geocuba.cu</a>/<a href="mailto:marzuaga@geosi.geocuba.cu">marzuaga@geosi.geocuba.cu</a> <p>Empresa de Ingeniería y Servicios de Desmantelamiento<br>ISDE<br>Infanta No.60 e/ P y 25<br>836 8887/ 836 5158<br><a href="mailto:delgado@isde.co.cu">delgado@isde.co.cu</a> / <a href="mailto:evelio@isde.co.cu">evelio@isde.co.cu</a> /<a href="mailto:calberto@isde.co.cu">calberto@isde.co.cu</a> <p>Empresa Mixta Comercializadora D´Leone S.A<br>D´Leone S.A<br>Lamparilla No.2, Edificio Lonja del Comercio, 5to. Piso, Oficina C<br>860-9879 / 860-9880<br><a href="mailto:gerencia@dleone.ohc.cu">gerencia@dleone.ohc.cu</a> <a href="mailto:comercial@dleone.ohc.cu">comercial@dleone.ohc.cu</a><a href="mailto:secretaria@dleone.ohc.cu">secretaria@dleone.ohc.cu</a> <p>Centro de Investigación de la Energía Solar de Santiago de Cuba<br>CIES<br>Reparto Abel Santamaría, km 5 1/2, Carretera Siboney, Stgo de Cuba<br>67- 1131/ 67-5073/ 67-2689<br><a href="mailto:rramos@cies.ciges.inf.cu">rramos@cies.ciges.inf.cu</a> / <a href="mailto:erivera@cies.inf.cu">erivera@cies.inf.cu</a> <p>Banco Metropolitano S.A<br>BANMET<br>O`Reilly No. 402 e/ Compostela y Aguacate<br>878-7766<br><a href="mailto:relacionespublicas@banmet.cu">relacionespublicas@banmet.cu</a> <p>Empresa de Impresiones Directas y Offset<br>GIDO<br>San Indalecio No. 162 entre Via Blanca y Tamarindo<br>641-6587 / 640-5712<br><a href="mailto:sergio@gido.transnet.cu">sergio@gido.transnet.cu</a> <a href="mailto:gido@transnet.cu">gido@transnet.cu</a>,<a href="mailto:magdagido@trnsnet.cu">magdagido@trnsnet.cu</a> <p>Centro Nacional de Electromagnetismo Aplicado<br>CNEA<br>Ave. Las Américas e/ Calle L y Calle I, Reparto Ampliación de Terrazas<br>(22)646378/ 646380/ 643721<br><a href="mailto:monica@cnea.uo.edu.cu">monica@cnea.uo.edu.cu</a> <p>Empresa de Gestión Informática y las Comunicaciones, GESEI<br>GESEI<br>Infanta No 16 e/ 23 y Humbolt, Vedado.<br>838-0436 / 838-1579<br><a href="mailto:jacky@gesei.cu">jacky@gesei.cu</a> / <a href="mailto:nora@gesei.cu">nora@gesei.cu</a> <p>Empresa de Servicios Tecnológicos<br>CTEC<br>Reina No. 410 e/ Gervasio Y Escobar.<br>862-1230 / 863-1288 /862-1276<br><a href="mailto:jsuarez@ctec.cu">jsuarez@ctec.cu</a> / <a href="mailto:pijuan@ctec.cu">pijuan@ctec.cu</a> /<a href="mailto:mcuenca@ctec.cu">mcuenca@ctec.cu</a> <p>Empresa Geocuba Oriente Sur<br>(none)<br>Serafín Sánchez, Reparto 30 de noviembre.<br>0122 648737 /6488747/ 648313<br><a href="mailto:mkt@santiago.geocuba.cu">mkt@santiago.geocuba.cu</a> <p>Empresa de Servicios Ingenieros para la Dirección Intengrada de Proyectos Mariel, ESI DIP Mariel<br>ESI DIP Mariel<br>Carretera a Quiebra Hacha, kilometro 8 1/2, Peninsula de Angosta, Vista del Mar<br>047/398786 -397904 -397907<br><a href="mailto:perera@dipmariel.co.cu">perera@dipmariel.co.cu</a> / <a href="mailto:epalmero@dipmariel.co.cu">epalmero@dipmariel.co.cu</a> <p>Servicios a la Aviacíon Civil S.A<br>SERVAC S.A<br>Calle 23 No 64 esq.P . Vedado<br>833-0049 <p>DESCC</td></tr><tr><td>EDEN DEL CARIBE S.A <p></td></tr><tr><td>CENTRO INTERNACIONAL DE LA HABANA S.A. <p></td></tr><tr><td>PINARES, S.A. <p></td></tr><tr><td>EMPRESA NACIONAL DE SOFTWARE <p></td></tr><tr><td>ALCOHOLES CUBANOS S.A. (SIN OPERACIONES) <p></td></tr><tr><td>MEDICAL HOLDING, S.A. <p></td></tr><tr><td>REPRESENTACIONES PLATINO, S.A. <p></td></tr><tr><td>CONSIGNATARIA DOR, S.A. <p></td></tr><tr><td>PRENSA LATINA AGENCIA INFORMATIVA LATINOAMERICANA, S.A. <p></td></tr><tr><td>UNION DE EMPRESAS CONSTRUCTORA DEL CARIBE S.A. (UNECA) <p></td></tr><tr><td>PROMOTORA S.A.</td></tr><tr><td>FINANCIERA S.A. <p></td></tr><tr><td>BANCO FINANCIERO INTERNACIONAL S.A. <p></td></tr><tr><td>BUFETE DE ASESORIAS INTERNACIONALES, S.A. <p></td></tr><tr><td>DON CANGREJO S.A. <p></td></tr><tr><td>CORPORACION COPEXTEL S.A. <p></td></tr><tr><td>EDME COMPANY S.A <p></td></tr><tr><td>INVERSIONES LOCARINOS S.A. <p></td></tr><tr><td>SERVICIO COMERCIAL EXTERIOR S.A (SERCOMEX) <p></td></tr><tr><td>FINANCIERA CAUDAL, S.A. <p></td></tr><tr><td>EMPRESA DE SEGUROS INTERNACIONALES DE CUBA S.A. <p>ESICUBA S.A. <p></td></tr><tr><td>AGENCIA INTERNACIONAL DE INSPECCION, AJUSTE DE AVERIAS Y OTROS SERVICIOS CONEXOS, <p>INTERMAR S.A <p></td></tr><tr><td>REPRESENTACION DE FIRMAS EXTRANJERAS REFEX, S.A. <p></td></tr><tr><td>SERVICIOS DE SEGURIDAD INTEGRAL, S.A. <p></td></tr><tr><td>EMPRESA DE SERVICIOS COMERCIALES S.A. (ESCO S.A.) <p></td></tr><tr><td>MERCURIUS S.A <p></td></tr><tr><td>LATINO AMERICANA DE COMERCIO S.A. (INACTIVA) <p></td></tr><tr><td>INVERSIONES GAMMA S.A. <p></td></tr><tr><td>RESIDENCIAL TARARA S.A. <p></td></tr><tr><td>YANSA CORPORATION INTERNACIONAL S.A. <p></td></tr><tr><td>COMERCIAL DESARROLLO MEDICO S.A. <p>CODEME S.A. <p></td></tr><tr><td>PROMOCIONES ARTISTICAS Y LITERARIAS, S.A. (ARTEX) <p></td></tr><tr><td>COMERCIALIZADORA INTERNACIONAL DE MINERALES TECNICOS S.A. <p>POR CONTRACCION CIMTEC S.A <p></td></tr><tr><td>CELIMAR S.A. <p></td></tr><tr><td>INTERCO S.A. <p></td></tr><tr><td>GRUPO DE TURISMO GAVIOTA, S.A. <p></td></tr><tr><td>CORPORACION COMERCIAL ANTEX, S.A. <p></td></tr><tr><td>TECNOSUMA INTERNACIONAL, S.A. <p></td></tr><tr><td>HEBER BIOTEC S.A. <p></td></tr><tr><td>NEURONIC S.A. <p></td></tr><tr><td>LABORATORIOS ERON S.A <p></td></tr><tr><td>EMPRESA DE REPRESENTACIONES ASISTENCIA Y SERVICIOS TURISTICOS, <p>SERVITUR</td></tr><tr><td>COMERCIAL CUPET S.A. <p></td></tr><tr><td>ASISTENCIA AL TURISMO S.A. <p>ASISTUR S.A. <p></td></tr><tr><td>ZONA ESPECIALIZADA DE LOGISTICA Y COMERCIO, S.A. <p>ZELCOM, S.A. <p></td></tr><tr><td>COMMERCIAL CARIBBEAN NICKEL S.A. <p></td></tr><tr><td>ECOT S.A. (SIN OPERACION) <p></td></tr><tr><td>AGENCIA DE CONTRATACION A REPRESENTACION COMERCIALES S.A. <p>ACOREC S.A. <p></td></tr><tr><td>LABORATORIOS DALMER S.A. <p></td></tr><tr><td>FINATUR S.A. <p></td></tr><tr><td>CIMAB S.A. <p></td></tr><tr><td>CORPORACION PANAMERICANA, S.A. <p></td></tr><tr><td>INTERAUDIT S.A., <p>SOCIEDAD CIVIL DE SERVICIOS</td></tr><tr><td>MACNOR S.A.(SIN OPERACION) <p></td></tr><tr><td>COMPANIA HOTELERA DE LA HABANA <p>GEOMINERA S.A. <p></td></tr><tr><td>POLIGRAFICA S.A. (SIN OPERACION) <p></td></tr><tr><td>HAVANA RUM AND LIQUORS S.A. (SIN OPERACIONES PERO ES DUENA DE ACCIONES)</td></tr><tr><td> <p>AEROVARADERO S.A. <p></td></tr><tr><td>TECC S.A. <p></td></tr><tr><td>LABIOFAM S.A. <p></td></tr><tr><td>GRUPO NUEVA BANCA S.A. <p></td></tr><tr><td>GEOMAR S.A. <p></td></tr><tr><td>CORPORACION CUBA RON S.A. <p>SERVICIOS ESPECIALIZADOS DE PROTECCION S.A. SEPSA S.A. <p></td></tr><tr><td>RESTAURACION NEUROLOGICA S.A. <p></td></tr><tr><td>BANCO INTERNACIONAL DE COMERCIO S.A, BICSA <p></td></tr><tr><td>COMPANIA TURISTICA HABAGUANEX S.A. <p></td></tr><tr><td>TALLER DE REACONDICIONAMIENTO DE PIEZAS NAVALES E INDUSTRIALES S.A <p>TRENA S.A. <p></td></tr><tr><td>TELEFONICA ANTILLANA S.A. <p></td></tr><tr><td>ALMACENES UNIVERSALES S.A. <p></td></tr><tr><td>CONSULTORES MARITIMOS, S.A. (COMAR) <p></td></tr><tr><td>CITRICOS CARIBE S.A. <p></td></tr><tr><td>CORAL CONTAINER LINES S.A. <p></td></tr><tr><td>PRODUCCIONES TRIMAGEN S.A. <p></td></tr><tr><td>AGENCIA DE ESPECTACULOS ARTISTICOS TURARTE S.A. <p></td></tr><tr><td>CASA FINANCIERA FINTUR S.A. <p></td></tr><tr><td>AGENCIA DE VIAJES CUBATUR S.A. <p></td></tr><tr><td>DISENO INDUSTRIAL, S.A. (DISA) <p></td></tr><tr><td>CUBANACAN EXPRESS S.A. <p></td></tr><tr><td>GRUPO EMPRESARIAL COMERCIALIZADORA ITH S.A. <p></td></tr><tr><td>RESIDENCIAL TURISTICO MARINA HEMINGWAY, S.A. <p></td></tr><tr><td>TURISMO Y SALUD S.A <p></td></tr><tr><td>CASA DE CAMBIOS S.A, CADECA, S.A. <p></td></tr><tr><td>AEROGAVIOTA S.A. <p>\</td></tr><tr><td>PETROCIMEX, S.A. (SIN ACTIVIDAD) <p></td></tr><tr><td>CONSULTORES ASOCIADOS, S.A. <p></td></tr><tr><td>PROTEC S.A. <p></td></tr><tr><td>COMPLEJO LAS TERRAZAS, S.A. <p></td></tr><tr><td>EXPEDIMAR S.A. <p></td></tr><tr><td>SERVICIOS INTERNACIONALES DE SUPERVISION. CUBACONTROL S.A.</td></tr><tr><td>TREVISO TRADING CORPORATION S.A. (inactiva) <p></td></tr><tr><td>TRANSIME, S.A. <p></td></tr><tr><td>SERMAR S.A. <p></td></tr><tr><td>GRUPO INTERNACIONAL DE TUROPERADORES Y AGENCIAS DE VIAJES, HAVANATUR S.A. <p></td></tr><tr><td>ALCONA S.A. <p></td></tr><tr><td>PRODUCCIONES ABDALA S.A. <p></td></tr><tr><td>GENERAL NICKEL, <p>S.A.</td></tr><tr><td>R.T.V. COMERCIAL S.A. <p></td></tr><tr><td>INTERSUCHEL S.A. (SIN OPERACION) <p></td></tr><tr><td>CONSULTORIA JURIDICA INTERNACIONAL</td></tr><tr><td>FINANCIERA NACIONAL S.A. <p> FINSA</td></tr><tr><td>FINANCIERA CIMEX S.A. <p></td></tr><tr><td>RADO Y ASOCIADOS, S.A. <p></td></tr><tr><td>BIOCEN S.A. <p></td></tr><tr><td>INVERSIONES CIMEX S.A. <p></td></tr><tr><td>LEX S.A. <p>AGENCIA DE PROPIEDAD INDUSTRIAL <p></td></tr><tr><td>CORPORACION ALIMENTARIA S.A. <p>CORALSA S.A. <p></td></tr><tr><td>EMPRESA CUBANA DE SERVICIOS, S.A. <p>ECUSE</td></tr><tr><td>COMERCIAL CIMEX, S.A. (INACTIVA) <p></td></tr><tr><td>CORPORACION CIMEX, S.A. <p></td></tr><tr><td>AGENCIA DE VIAJES CUBANACAN S.A. <p> <p> <p>CAGUAYO, S.A.</p> <p>VACUNAS FINLAY, S.A.</p> <p>CUBAMAR VIAJES, S.A.</p> <p>CORPORACION ATLANTIDA, S.A.</p> <p>COSMETIC, S.A.</p> <p>MELFI MARINE CORPORATION, S.A.</p> <p>INMOBILIARIA LARES S.A.</p> <p>BANCO DE INVERSIONES, S.A.</p> <p>AGENCIA DE VIAJES SAN CRISTOBAL,S.A.</p> <p>SERVICIOS AUTOMOTORES, S.A.</p> <p>BANCO METROPOLITANO, S.A.</p> <p>AGENCIA DE VIAJES AMISTUR-CUBA, S.A.</p> <p>PESCASUR, S.A.</p> <p>CORPORACION DE LA AVIACION CUBANA, S.A.</p> <p>COMPANIA FIDUCIARIA, S.A.</p> <p>INMOBILIARIA FENIX, S.A.</p> <p>CONSULTORIAS Y AVALUOS S.A.</p> <p>EMPRESA CUBANA IMPORTADORA DE AVIACION, S.A. (AVIAIMPORT)</p> <p>EMPRESA CUBANA DE AEROPUERTOS Y SERVICIOS AERO NAUTICOS, S.A., </p> <p>ECASACUBANA DE AVIACION, S.A.</p> <p>EMPRESA NACIONAL DE SERVICIOS AEREOS, S.A. </p> <p>ENSA S.A.</p> <p>CUBA CATERING, S.A.</p> <p>COMPANIA CONTRATISTA DE OBRAS PARA LA AVIACION, S.A.</p> <p>CARIBBEAN OVERSEAS CONSTRUCTION, S.A.</p> <p>AGENCIA DE VIAJES ECOTUR S.A</p> <p>GAVIOTA TOURS, S.A.</p> <p>BUFETE INTERNACIONAL, S.A.</p> <p>COMPANIA DE INVERSIONES CIEN AMIGOS</p> <p>AEROCARIBBEAN, S.A.</p> <p>PETROMETAL, S.A. (DISUELTA)</p> <p>CORATUR S.A.</p> <p>COMERCIAL TAKE OFF S.A.</p> <p>ALAFLEX S.A.</p> <p>FIMEL, S.A.</p> <p>MOVITEL S.A.</p> <p>CORPORACION DE COMERCIO Y TURISMO INTERNACIONAL CUBANACAN, S.A.</p> <p>ARIES TRANSPORTES S.A.</p> <p>GRAN ANTILLA, S.A.</p> <p>PETROMAX S.A. (sin operaciones)</p> <p>NUEVA FORESTAL, S.A.</p> <p>QUIMICA INTERNACIONAL S.A</p> <p>INMOBILIARIA CUBANA S.A</p> <p>PROMUSIC S.A.</p> <p>REPRESENTACIONES CULTURALES S.A. (RECSA)</p> <p>INMOBILIARIA CARIBE, S.A.</p> <p>CARISAN S.A.</p> <p>ZONA DE DESARROLLO INTEGRAL MARIEL S.A, (ZDIM S.A.)</p> <p>ZERUS S.A</p> <p>GRUPO DE ADMINISTRACION EMPRESARIAL S.A. (GAE S.A.)</p> <p>PRODESA S.A. (EMPRESA DE PROYECTOS CONTRA DESASTRES S.A.)</p> <p>RAFIN, S.A.</p> <p>GEOESPACIAL S.A.</p> <p>AT COMERCIAL S.A.</p> <p>ZONA ESPECIAL DE DESARROLLO Y DE ACTIVIDADES LOGISTICA WAJAYSERVICIOS<br>ESPECIALIZADOS DE INCENDIO S.AINVERCO S.A.</p> <p>CORPORACION DE COMERCIO Y SERVICIOS CUBALSE S.A.</p> <p>CUBAN TRADE MANAGEMENT CORPORATION (CUTISA)</p> <p>SANTA CRUZ, S.A. (NO OPERA)</p> <p>PANAFIN, S.A., (PANAMERICANA DE FINANZAS)</p> <p>WORLD NEWS, S.A</p> <p>EMPRESA DE SEGURIDAD Y PROTECCION DE LA AVIACION CIVIL (ESPAC S.A.)</p> <p>GRUPO DE SEGUROS Y SERVICIOS FINANCIEROS DE CUBA </p> <p>GRUPO CAUDAL S.A.</p> <p>AGENCIA DE SUPERVISION Y SERVICIOS ADUANALES </p> <p>ADESA S.A.</p> <p>DESARROLLO INMOBILIARIO S.A.</p> <p>INMOBILIARIA CIMEX S.A.</p> <p>CIMEX BIENES RAICES S.A.</p> <p>CONSULTORES LEGALES Y AGENTES DE INVENCIONES Y MARCAS, S.A., </p> <p>CLAIM,S.A.</p> <p>AEROMAR S.A.</p> <p>COMPANIA FINANCIERA S.A.</p> <p>PESCAVANTE, S.A.</p> <p>GECEM INTERNACIONAL, S.A.</p> <p>TECNICA HIDRAULICA, S.A.</p> <p>EMPRESA DE INVERSIONES,INGENIERIA Y COMERCIALIZACION, S.A.</p> <p>INAUTO, S.A. (SIN OPERACION)</p> <p>TABAGEST,S.A.</p> <p>EMPRESA DE INFORMACION CREDITICIA Y FINANCIERA, S.A., </p> <p>INCREFIN,S.A.</p> <p>RESIMEVIS, S.A.</p> <p>MILENIUM, S.A. (SIN OPERACION)</p> <p>TRANSGAVIOTA S.A.</p> <p>PROYECTOS CIMEX, S.A.</p> <p>CUBADEPORTES, S.A.</p> <p>CORPORACION FINANCIERA AZUCARERA, S.A.</p> <p>AUDITEX, S.A.</p> <p>NEGOCIOS EN TELECOMUNICACIONES S.A.</p> <p>CONSULTORIA ECONOMICA CANEC S.A.</p> <p>CUBANIQUEL S.A.</p> <p>GRUPO EMPRESARIAL EXTRAHOTELERO PALMARES S.A.</p> <p>GRUPO EMPRESARIAL DE TRANSPORTE TURISTICO TRANSTUR S.A.<br> <br>GRUPO EMPRESARIAL COMERCIAL CARACOL S.A.</p> <p>GRUPO EMPRESARIAL EMPRESTUR S.A.</p> <p>GRUPO EMPRESARIAL SERVISA S.A.</p> <p>GRUPO EMPRESARIAL MARINAS Y NAUTICA MARLIN S.A.</p> <p>YAMANIGUEY S.A.</p> <p>ALBET INGENIERIA Y SISTEMAS S.A.</p> <p>CONSULTORES Y ABOGADOS INTERNACIONALES</p> <p>AGENCIA DE COMUNICACION PUBLICITUR S.A.</p> <p>EMPRESA COMERCIALIZADORA DE PRODUCTOS AGROPECUARIOS Y AGROINDUSTRIALES,<br>S.A.</p> <p>SOCIEDAD CUBANA PARA LAS TELECOMUNICACIONESEMPRESA DE SERVICIOS A LA<br>AVIACION CIVIL, S.A</p> <p>EMPRESA DE TRANSPORTE DE SENALES DE TELECOMUNICACIONES, S.A.</p> <p>MARINAS GAVIOTA, S.A.</p> <p>MITSA S.A.</p> <p>GRUPO EMPRESARIAL HOTELERO ISLAZUL S.A.</p> <p>DINVAI CONSTRUCCIONES S.A.</p> <p>IMPORTADORA Y EXPORTADORA DE PRODUCTOS MEDICOS, MEDICUBA S.ASERVICIOS DE<br>INGENIERIA ELECTRICA CUBANA S.A</p> <p>EMPRESA DE EXPLORACION Y EXTRACCION DE PETROLEO Y GAS S.A</p> <p>GRUPO EMPRESARIAL HOTELERO GRAN CARIBE S.A</p> <p>SERVICIOS DE AUDITORIA S.A</p> <p>MCV SERVICIOS S.A</p> <p>TECHAGRO, S.A</p> <p>GOLD CARIBBEAN MINING, S.A.</p> <p>SERVICIOS DE PAGOS RED S.A,</p> <p>TERMINAL DE CONTENEDORES DE MARIEL,S.A</p> <p>COMERCIALIZADORA DE SERVICIOS MEDICOS CUBANOS, S.A</p> <p>CARIBBEAN DRYDOCK COMPANY, S.A</p> <p>EMPRESA DE ENERGIA S.A</p> <p>EMPRESA COMERCIALIZADORA DE SOLUCIONES S.A.</p> <p>COMERCIALIZADORA D'LEONE S.A.</p> <p>EMPRESA DE SOLUCIONES INTEGRALES DE TELECOMUNICACIONES S.A</p> <p>THUNDER CONTAINER LEASING & REPAIR, S.A.</p> <p>MEDI CLUB, S.A.</p> <p>TECNOTUR S.A.</p> <p>PAPAS & CO S.A.</p> <p>ALIMENTOS Y BEBIDAS LA ESTANCIA S.A.</p> <p></td></tr><tr><td></td></tr> Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6026526.post-69557770843248168322014-05-26T22:37:00.001-07:002014-05-26T22:37:15.887-07:00The bureaucratic imperative: economic and political challenges to Cuban socialism in the early 21st century<p><b></b> <p>Anton L. Allahar (The University of Western Ontario) <p>Nelson P. Valdés (University of New Mexico) <p><b><em><font size="1">[The authors appreciate the permission of the CLR James Journal, Vol. 19, No. 1 & 2, Fall 2013 to reproduce a portion of this essay].</font></em></b> <p><b>Introduction</b> <p>This essay represents an attempt to understand the political and the economic challenges faced by the Cuban Revolution in the topsy-turvy context of world-changing events that began with the fall of the USSR right up to the continuing fall-out from the 2008 financial crisis of capitalism that affected, and continues to affect all countries of the world, including those like Cuba that are not formally part of the market system. This is the protracted and uneven process known as the <i>Special Period</i> in Cuba, which has tested the mettle and the resolve of the Cubans to safeguard the gains of their revolution. As is stated in Article #129 of the <i>Cuban Communist Party Draft Economic and Social Policy Guidelines</i> that were adopted at the Sixth Congress of the Communist Party of Cuba (PCC) in April 2011, the government will “continue preserving the achievements of the Revolution, such as access to medical attention, education, culture, sports, recreation, retirement pensions and social security for those who need it” (Cuban Communist Party, 2010). <p>However, with the emergence of Cuba’s tourist sector as the largest single generator of the country’s foreign exchange, and with its tourists drawn overwhelmingly from the capitalist countries of western Europe and North America (more Canada and Mexico, but still with some from the U.S.), it is understandable that Cuba’s economic fortunes would be tied directly to the economic conditions obtaining in those countries. And given the fact that at its closest point Cuba is a mere 90 miles from the U.S., that there are about 2 million Cuban-Americans, that remittances by these to Cuba are in the billions of dollars, and that there is a vigorous, on-going exchange of ideas, attitudes, values and beliefs between the two populations, most changes inside Cuba will understandably be framed by their proximity to their northern neighbour. In the final analysis, however, those changes will be orchestrated by the Cubans in Cuba themselves. <p>As Nelson Valdés has written, the differences between liberal and conservative opponents of the Revolution in the U.S. are “not founded on their having different aims, but in their putting forward of alternative methods for obtaining the same end.... Both defend the unfounded premise that the future of Cuba will be determined from outside” (Valdés, 1997: 101). In what follows, then, we attempt to situate those changes theoretically and sociologically in a discussion of bureaucracy and its dysfunctions as we assess the far-reaching implications of the above-mentioned policy guidelines <i>(Cuban Communist Party Draft Economic and Social Policy Guidelines</i> – <i>ESPG</i>) that were adopted in April 2011. It should be pointed out at the start, however, that the guidelines in question are not terribly new; they are a continuation of debates, policies and strategies that have been imaginatively essayed by the Cubans as they have sought to chart the course of building socialism in a small country in the modern age of global capitalism. <p><b>Revolution is about constant change</b> <p>In the purest sense of the dialectic, revolution is about contradiction, change, advances, reversals, and even periodic stagnation. Revolutions produce as many romantics as they produce reactionaries, and the socialist revolution in Cuba is no exception. Thus, in the appendix of C.L.R. James’ <i>Marxism for our times,</i> almost 10 years into the Cuban Revolution, Martin Glaberman wrote cautiously about Cuban socialism: <p>A genuine exchange exists between those who are leading Cuban society and those who make up the basis for the society, and within that framework it is not a matter of saying Cuba is a socialist society or Cuba is not a socialist society. It is possible to say Cuba is developing in a direction, to the extent that it can, of building a socialist society, but that the building of that society is possible only in the framework of the transformation of the industrialized world (1999:190). <p>That is, given the economic interdependence of our world today, it is not possible to think of any country that is completely independent for that interdependence ensures that changes in one will ramify into the others. But this is not new, for even back in 1867, when preparing the preface to the first edition of <i>Capital</i>, Marx held to the view that the penetration of capital into the backward countries served the purpose of creating a world after its own image. Betraying positivistic sentiments, he wrote that “the natural laws of capitalist production” worked with “iron necessity towards inevitable results,” and concluded: “The country that is more developed industrially, only shows to the less developed, the image of its own future” (<i>Capital</i>, Vol.1: 8-9). And Lenin too , writing some 50 years later in 1916, shared this belief when he stated that “[t]he export of capital affects and greatly accelerates the development of those countries to which it is exported” (1966: 76). Following this line of reasoning about our interdependent global reality, and though they definitely cannot be left out of the equation, the fortunes of Cuban socialism will clearly not be determined by the Cubans alone. <p>For Glaberman, however, the main threat to the construction of genuine socialism lay in the bureaucratization of the revolution and the alienation of the masses from direct input into the governing of their own society. But he was optimistic about Cuba and in 1968 wrote that: “...I believe you have in Cuba, for example, a broad participation from below” (1999: 189). The idea was that the bulk of the workers and peasants were able to have their thoughts and ideas listened to and taken seriously by their leaders, and where possible, incorporated into policy. The leaders had not been converted into professional bureaucrats, had retained contact with the masses, and encouraged broad participation from below. But Glaberman was very careful to note that unless socialism took hold in other countries it may not have been possible to control the bureaucratic imperative that so distorted the socialist project in the USSR and that could also derail the plans for constructing socialism in Cuba: <p>...ultimately, if [socialist] revolutions do no take place in North America and in Europe, then it is impossible, no matter what the participation, to prevent the development of bureaucracy, of planning from above, of trying to lift the nation up in spite of its citizens .... (1999:190). <p>He was convinced that Cuba needed allies, especially geographically close allies, if it were to avoid the pitfalls of bureaucratization that, as in the USSR, would alienate and disenfranchise the bulk of the working people. As C.L.R. James wrote in the context of Stalinist Russia: “By a remorseless logic, therefore, representation of the proletariat turns into its opposite, administration over the proletariat” (1969:94). And with respect to needing allies Glaberman was correct, for after fifty years of isolation as the only socialist country in the western hemisphere, military invasions, political subversions and economic blockades have definitely coloured the course of Cuban socialism (Allahar, 2001). On this score, Glaberman sounded a note of pessimism: “Socialism in one country is impossible, and if it was impossible in a country as huge and with as many resources as the Soviet Union, it sure is impossible on as small an island as Cuba” (1999: 189). Yet the Cuban Revolution continues with all the dialectical contradictions, changes, reversals and triumphs that define the nature of revolutions everywhere. And mindful of the lessons from the Soviet Union and the pitfalls of bureaucratic corruption and alienation, on September 3, 1970, Fidel Castro made a declaration that he would repeat many times in the years ahead: “If socialism is not controlled by the masses it fails, because socialism must work for the masses and all problems can be solved only by the masses ... Without the masses socialism loses the battle; it bureaucratizes itself” (Castro quoted in Valdés, 1979: 23). <p><b>Market socialism</b> <p>So what do the recent “Policy Guidelines” (<i>ESPG</i>) adopted by the PCC tell us about the continuing Cuban Revolution and its ongoing efforts at constructing socialism in a world that is hostile to it? <p>History has shown that market socialist economies can be highly effective in fostering economic growth and reducing poverty....the only sustainable reform option available to the Cuban policymakers is a radical one, centered around a systemic shift from state socialism to a nationally suitable form of market socialism (Gabriele, 2011:648). <p>Although we do not particularly like the ideologically laden term ‘market socialism,’ we will employ it here given its widespread use in the literature. The rise of China as a global superpower has increased the Chinese presence in the Caribbean and especially in Cuba, which is in debt to China to the tune of several billions of dollars (Plummer, 2011). And just as many puzzle over the Chinese communist embrace of market relations and question whether the Chinese economy can really be called socialist or communist, it is clear that “officials in Beijing now preside over an economy that exemplifies ‘socialism with Chinese characteristics’ – in other words, a state-led, market oriented system that is communist in name only” (Ibid). Given the close economic relations between China and Cuba, and as the ESPG reforms in Cuba are more fully vented, one wonders whether the Cubans themselves would soon announce that their economy is still firmly socialist, albeit ‘with Cuban characteristics!’ After all, it was Fidel himself who said that “the Cuban model doesn’t even work for us anymore” (Goldberg, 2010), and it is that model that the ESPG addresses. <p>While the recent economic reforms have no intention of changing the political system, it is clear that they will have important political consequences. The former have the avowed intention of increasing efficiency, rationality and productivity in all sectors without necessarily increasing wages (Hoffman, 2010:2). Indeed, labor costs are to be reduced by doing away with redundancy and ineffective labourers, a process that envisages the re-deployment of up to 1 million workers over the next 5 years or so. It is hoped that a significant number of these will be absorbed in the newly created private sector of self-employment, small business entrepreneurs and agriculture. With respect to the latter, because Cuba does not produce enough food to feed its people at the moment a priority has been assigned to agricultural and food production. This move to make socialism more ‘efficient’ means that the reforms will have numerous economic and social outcomes, some anticipated and others not. What is certain, however, is that everyone will be touched in some form or fashion. <p>The national government has begun to spearhead several changes beginning with the transfer of various national enterprises to the provincial and municipal levels. This will be accomplished by a process of decentralization in favour of smaller units at lower levels and local governments will have the power to generate their own revenues and make decisions that in the past were centralized at the federal level. Economic enterprises, whether state, private or mixed, will enjoy financial and administrative autonomy, and cooperatives will eventually play a much more important role than at any other time in the history of the revolution. <p>Overall, the so called <i>cálculo económico</i> financial system will replace the budgetary system of finance that had been dominant in many state enterprises. Efficiency (bureaucracy) would be measured on the basis of financial profitability as the new emerging economic model foresees different economic organizations existing side by side: small, private entrepreneurs, cooperatives, small farmers, usufruct producers, renters, state enterprises, mixed enterprises and foreign investors. They will also interact with one another in numerous and different ways. If one market is regulated or planned, another will not be, but just how those markets interconnect and operate remains to be determined (Balari, 2012). <p><b>Some concrete examples of the changes</b> <p>As noted, there will be a reduction of state employment variously called ‘reajuste laboral’ or ‘reordenamiento laboral,’ meaning the doing away with approximately 1.8 million jobs. The process started in 2010 in almost all state ministries and enterprises. Of particular importance was the reduction of personnel in the ministries of the sugar industry, now turned into a sort of holding company with each sugar mill transformed into a separate enterprise. A similar fate has befallen to agriculture, construction, health and tourism. The truth is that a secure state job is no longer a right. Further, workers’ cafeterias with subsidized meals have been abolished (or, if kept open, their prices have increased), unemployment benefits have been curtailed to a set number of months, and wages and salaries will be frozen for the time being without prejudice to workers’ rights (Valdes, 2012). <p>Although the foreign press and many academics outside the country gleefully foresee an emerging capitalism and an embrace of neo-liberal policies, the worker’s movement has proclaimed the imperative necessity of ‘preserving and perfecting socialism.’ Yet abroad numerous commentators fix their attention on the growing self-employed private worker/entrepreneur, which they welcome as a return of capitalism through the back door. The growth (in thousands) in this sector self-employed workers has been as follows: <p>November 2009: 143,800 <p>July 2011: 325,947 <p>April 2011: 309,728 <p>April 2012: 360,000 <p>Further, the number of <i>occupations</i> permitted under self-employed increased, although slowly. So by July 2011 there were just 181 occupations but the type of work continues to increase as a result of the pressure from the population. Not foreseen just a year ago, but now permitted are real estate managers and facilitators, insurance agents, collectives for doing taxes, and collectives of mechanics, among many others. <p><b>Workers’ attitudes</b> <p>At times, the workers have been blamed by the mass media and by some officials for low labor productivity. The logic seems to be that the problem is due to the absence of organizational know-how, lack of labor discipline, too little administrative demands, and insufficient control of the work process. There are also claims that workers have become cynical and alienated and have lost their work ethic since they do not see a relationship between production and consumption. The result is that the very workers have developed a mentality of entitlement leading some within the Communist party to charge that the state has been too paternalistic and too committed to across the board egalitarianism. <p>In the <i>Granma</i> newspaper of October 11, 2009, the editor, Lázaro Barredo, stated that Cuba confronted four different ‘syndromes’ that affect the country’s economy. He outlined them as follows: <p>1-. The baby chick syndrome: always with the mouth open. This is due to the fact that the social system was designed ‘to give hand-outs’ not for people to earn or to make things. For example, one goes to the shop to collect rations that are owed to one, or one does not repair one’s house because the materials are not available from the state. <p>2-. The volleyball syndrome: we are been taught how to jump and hit the ball into the other court, since supposedly the majority of issues we face are not our problems but the problems of ‘the other.’ <p>3-. The ostrich syndrome: we have become accustomed to burying our heads in the hole in order not to see problems nor to act with all our energy and innovative force against routine and negative habits. <p>4-. The obstacle syndrome: it is not possible to effect the transformation of the economy and the satisfaction of basic needs in a month, but some would like that to be the case, although as soon as they encounter the first obstacle they pull back or hope others would solve it. <p>Some other openings or improvements stemming from the <i>ESPG</i> can be seen in the <i>paladares</i> (private restaurants at someone’s home) that could now have up to 50 clients at the same time (up from 12 three years ago). Further, anyone who employs up to 5 persons will not pay taxes for a year. However, it should be noted that the present arrangement has outstripped the legal system so the Cuban constitution will need revision since Article 21 does not permit the private employment of workers. And reflecting the poor availability of public transportation and housing, an additional incentive to the self-employed has been the reduction of taxes to private transportation and the renting of homes and rooms to Cubans and/or foreigners. There are also proposals to allow human capital, i.e., Cuban professionals like engineers, architects and others, to ‘link themselves to global production chains’ where they will be paid by international standards and ostensibly will be taxed locally too. One requirement here is that there will have to be the opening up of public access to the Internet. <p><b>The market and money</b> <p>The emerging economic model is one in which the capacity to purchase will determine who has access to goods. The process began with opening the tourism sector to any Cuban who can pay in foreign exchange; then it moved into cell phones, telephones, and computer supplies. Slowly but surely the ‘law of value’ has gained footing in the new Cuban economy. For example, since November 2011 one can purchase a used car, a house or apartment, and the state now also rents space to private entrepreneurs. This is crucial for the housing shortage is certainly one of the most pressing problems the society confronts. With the new changes one can now build a private home, something not allowed since the 1960s, and privately organized building crews can now be legally hired. Furthermore, on March 25, 2011, the Council of Ministers decided that private producers and self-employed could sell their products and services to the state, and they will also be eligible to receive state loans to help them initiate such operations. In addition, financial credit and new bank services are now offered to private entrepreneurs, agricultural coops and other non-state enterprises. The credit could finance private construction of housing, purchasing of housing materials or any other input necessary to start and carry on new businesses.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Nelson/AppData/Local/Microsoft/Windows/Temporary Internet Files/Content.Outlook/1L8SYATW/#_ftn1_6120" name="_ftnref1_6120"><sup>1</sup></a> And finally, the market for the sale and purchase of dollars and euros has been opened and banks now offer the free exchange of foreign currency to Cubans and foreigners. <p>The elimination of subsidies has not only been limited to the state employed labour force for many food products have been subsidized by the state since 1962 (Hoffman, 2010). Access to food was not previously a function of income, but Cuba does not produce enough food to feed its people. The island spends over $1 billion dollars purchasing food abroad, but consumers do not pay that amount. Presently, the amount of food distributed through the subsidized ration book covers about 10 days so the rest has to be purchased at higher prices. Indeed, since 1993 access to food supplies became ever more stratified, particularly as a result of the foreign remittances that were permitted since July 1993. Since that time the subsidies remained regardless of the income of each household, but the new objective is progressively to eliminate subsidized food to those who can afford to pay for it and only to subsidize certain targeted groups. <b></b> <p><b>Re-stratification</b> <p>Of course these changes will have implications for social equality as all of Cuba is going through a process of re-stratification owing to a number of factors. One is what the average Cuban calls “FÉ” or ‘faith,’ playing on the idea of <i>Familia en el Extranjero</i> (family living abroad), who send home remittances. For the family that receives remittances, or that has a member who is self-employed might do much better than someone working for the state. The latter case in point is that of the private farmers who are becoming quite comfortable and some even wealthy. Due to shortage of agricultural products and the fact that now it is possible to sell in the open market, including to foreign hotels, private farmers are able to accumulate capital and even to buy big homes or even scarce mansions. But the real extent of the re-stratification is difficult to ascertain for it has been estimated that for every 1 registered self-employed person there are 3 others who have not done the paperwork to be recognized by the state. In a sense the dynamics of the private sector is forcing the state to adjust and adapt to the new emerging sectors. That means that new occupations are legalized, ex post facto. And the number of employees that a private employer can hire continues to change on the basis of demand.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Nelson/AppData/Local/Microsoft/Windows/Temporary Internet Files/Content.Outlook/1L8SYATW/#_ftn2_6120" name="_ftnref2_6120"><sup>2</sup></a> <p>A major shift away from state enterprises opens up the Cuban economy and the society to a greater diversity of economic actors and it also means that the society is becoming ever more complex. It may be said that Cuba is returning to what it was before March 1968, but with a difference: the role of cooperatives will increase, taking on the tasks that neither the self-employed nor the state can perform. The greater the diversity of the economic system, the greater the necessity to recognize those new players in the society and the political system. So what does this mean for the future? Is Cuba’s economy returning to that of a dependent capitalist, neo-liberal phase? We do not think so. The Cubans are struggling with the problems of socialism that are compounded by the problems of an aggressive foreign imperialism (Allahar, 1998) aided by an inexorable process of globalization. Obviously the Cubans will not return to the pre-1959 days but the demise of the USSR, the continuing US economic blockade and the world financial crisis are best understood if we heed Marx’s comments on the debate concerning the building of a socialist society: <p><em>“No social order is ever destroyed before all the productive forces for which it is sufficient have been developed, and new superior relations of production never replace older ones before the material conditions for their existence have matured within the framework of that old society itself”</em> (Marx, 1970: 21). <p>At the same time the Cuban leadership and the people need to recognize the economic limitations of trying to construct socialism in a world that is hostile to it. But they need to do so without illusions and without adopting a set of facile state capitalist methods under the guidance of the Communist party. Cuba has the conditions, especially its rich and excellent human capital resources [particularly in education, health care and alternative energy], its fertile agricultural lands, its unsurpassed beaches and forests, not to mention its world famous cigars, rums and musicians, to develop other relations of production within the context of a socialist morality and economy. This includes greater reliance on mixed state enterprises in which the labour unions play a significant leading role as well as joint ventures with foreign capital. In conjunction with this they are set to organize cooperatives involved in production, services and consumption at the municipal and state levels. And there has to be as much transparency in the state enterprises that, though run like capitalist corporations and controlled by appointed individuals through stock options (acciones nominativas)*, are in fact the people’s property and consequently should be required to report to elected officials and to the general public. Beyond the ideological distractions, then, the way forward lies in the direction of the mixed economy, and the central challenge to government and lay Cubans alike, is how to execute the plan while still respecting the socialist principle of ‘from each according to his/her ability and to each according to his/her need.’ <p><b>Historical and political context</b> <p>But let us step back for a moment to situate the challenge historically. In the mid-1980s, as the economy of the Soviet Union began to falter, political dissension came to the surface, and it was evident that major changes were on the way. Swiftly the Gorbachev government attempted to come to terms with internal problems that stemmed from many sources: over bureaucratization, waste, corruption, theft, inefficiency, low productivity, a generalized sense of worker entitlement, alcoholism, worker absenteeism and other social, economic and political ills. To remedy these shortcomings at the federal level, the government promoted a strategy known as <i>perestroika</i> or ‘restructuring’ that was accompanied by a policy of <i>glasnost</i> or ‘transparency’ in social and economic dealings. Both <i>perestroika</i> and <i>glasnost</i> were aimed at countering mindless bureaucracy, secrecy and the concealment of corruption and inefficiency among government <i>apparatchiks</i> that in many ways was the heritage of Stalinism and state capitalism (Lenin, 1972; James, 1969; 1972), and that witnessed the progressive alienation and displacement of workers from meaningful participation in their own revolution. More specifically, responding to already-existing strains and tensions within Soviet society, <i>perestroika,</i> on the one hand, allowed for more decentralization of official actions, afforded some measure of independence in decision making at the ministerial level, and permitted limited market-like reforms. And on the other hand, <i>glasnost</i> pursued such things as freedom of speech, independence of the media, and the lifting of censorship of the public voice. In retrospect, however, although this all contributed to the ultimate demise of the USSR, that was but an unintended consequence of the government’s actions, for the dismantling of socialism was never the intention of the reformers. <p>Not long after (early1986), finding itself in a similar economic predicament, the people of Cuba entered the above-mentioned <i>Special Period</i> of major scarcity of household goods, whether food, electricity or gasoline, unreliability of service delivery that saw frequent black-outs and planned brown-outs, low energy supplies, transportation paralysis, government fiscal restraint, worker and enterprise inefficiency and much more. In response, the government of Cuba implemented its own versions of <i>perestroika,</i> known as <i>rectificación</i> or ‘rectification,’ and <i>glasnost,</i> known as <i>apertura</i> or ‘openness.’ These measures heralded the changes that have marked the last two decades in Cuba, and were at the base of the 291 policy guidelines (<i>lineamientos</i>) debated and adopted at the Sixth Congress of the Communist Party of Cuba (PCC) in April 2011. The directing motive of the <i>lineamientos</i> was (a) to avoid making the same mistakes that served to undo the USSR, and (b) to respond in a timely and decisive manner to the unique challenges faced by Cuba, not only in a post-Soviet world, but in a world that is witnessing a full-blown crisis of capitalism. <p>As far as political changes and challenges go, the Cuban government has essayed a number of reforms aimed at eliminating bureaucratization, inefficiency and corruption, at replacing old ideas and practices with the inputs from newer and younger minds, improving attitudes to work and attempting to redefine the nature of socialist politics in the new millennium. In economic terms the <i>Special Period</i> occasioned all kinds of personal, inventive measures by ordinary Cubans as they tried to cope with scarcities of daily consumer items such as food staples, building materials, power shortages and scarcity of oil and gas. Then there were the attempts of the government to cope with the economic problems that stem both from the consequences of the continuing economic blockade as well as from the effects of flawed socialist planning domestically. These are all to be weighed in the context of the decisions made at the recently-concluded Sixth Party Congress that are aimed at stamping out cronyism, reducing waste and duplication of effort, increasing rationalization of production units, improving efficiency of state enterprises, and changing general attitudes to work and life in a socialist country–improving professionalism. Taken as a whole it speaks to what some have called the new socialist market economy, which though ruling out large-scale market reforms, appears committed to some degree of embrace of market relations. <p>As noted above, among other things, ordinary Cubans are now going to be faced with the specter of decreasing state provision of guaranteed jobs, wages and subsidies, and the implementation of a personal income tax system. Thus, Article #57 of the <i>ESPG </i>speaks to the implementation of a progressive income taxation system: “The tax system will be based on the principles of universality and equity with regard to the tax burden. There will be higher taxes on higher incomes to contribute to the mitigation of inequality” (Cuban Communist Party, 2010). And Article #161 speaks of the need to “[s]trengthen wages” and “to reduce unnecessary gratuities and excessive personal subsidies” (Ibid). Together with this, there will be an increasing involvement in market transactions, self-employment and overall economic self-sufficiency, which are not inimical to the construction of socialism. After all, “[n]owhere did Marx, Engels or Russian revolutionary V.I. Lenin argue that self-employment and small-scale private and cooperative enterprise are incompatible with progress towards socialism,” and by the same token the “notion that building socialism requires state ownership and management of almost the entire economy was born of Stalinist totalitarianism” (Cameron, 2012) and should not be used to measure the Cuban Revolution. This is an important point since “an expanded small-scale private and cooperative sector ... is projected to embrace almost half the workforce by 2015” (Ibid). Thus, as the preamble to the <i>ESPG</i> states, the aim is to: <p>Eliminate ‘inflated payrolls’ in all economic sectors and restructure employment, including through non-state formulas, applying a labour and salary policy for surplus workers that eliminates paternalistic procedures; increase labour productivity, elevating discipline and the stimulus of salaries and bonuses, eliminating egalitarianism in the mechanisms of income distribution and redistribution. As part of this process, it will be necessary to remove unnecessary gratuities and excessive personal subsidies (Cuban Communist Party, 2010). <p>Thus, as the world financial and economic crisis has deepened, the old debate in Cuba that pitted moral incentives against material incentives seems to have been settled in favour of the latter, and as we will see, this leads us to what is a quite straightforward question: is Cuba embracing neo-liberalism by another name, or are these socialist measures meant to address the problems of constructing socialism in a world that is hostile to it? As will become clear, we are more aligned with the latter position whereby the government seeks to lease small productive and service entities to private self-employed individuals who would execute such operations as small in-home restaurants, bakeries, barber shops and beauty salons, watch, bike and auto repair shops and even cooperatives of all sorts. At the same time, ownership of these premises would remain social and in the hands of local or municipal bodies. Together, these bodies and the overall Cuban state will regulate the leased entities in question to ensure that they operate according to the dictates of socialism and not lose sight of their primary social obligation to serve the people. But as Marce Cameron points out, the overall responsibility for running these enterprises “passes from the state to their workers, who operate them in a competitive environment where prices are set by the market rather than central planning” (Cameron, 2012). <p>Further, in prioritizing basic needs and goals, the government singles out food production and the need for agricultural transformations, as well as the need to use land more efficiently and productively, and to reduce the food import bill. To this end the <i>ESPG</i> recommends “The handing out of unused state farmland in usufruct aimed to boost food production and reduce imports” (Preamble, Cuban Communist Party, 2010). And following this, Article #170 speaks of the need to adjust “agricultural food production to demand and the transformation of commercialization,” to the plan to “limit centralized distribution,” and to the desire to “give a more active role to market mechanisms” (Ibid). In one interpretation this may be seen as going against the communist grain and the ideals enunciated by Ché Guevara, who was determined to eliminate material incentives (market relations) and the capitalist profit motive from all social commerce (Valdés, 1979: 15). <p>Apart from this, and looming ever-threateningly in the background is the specter of bureaucracy or bureaucratization that both Lenin (1972) and James (1968;1972) felt was at the base of Stalinism that warped and derailed the promise of Soviet socialism into state capitalism. But in order to make the case more clear we will draw a fuller picture of the bureaucratic phenomenon, and to do so we will summarize the classical sociological statements on this question. On the proposed changes it is best to let the Cuban government speak for itself regarding the new economic management model, which specifies the need to stimulate: <p>along with the state socialist enterprises, which is the principal form of the national economy – mixed capital enterprises, cooperatives, lessors of state-owned land in usufruct, lessors of state facilities, self-employed workers and other forms which may contribute to increasing the efficiency of social labour (Preamble, Cuban Communist Party, 2010). <p>But care is taken to note that private property will not be recognized: “In the new forms of non-state management, the concentration of ownership in legal or natural entities shall not be permitted” (Ibid). According to the model, the short-term goals include the elimination of the balance of payments deficit, enhanced flows of external income, active import substitution, and increased “economic efficiency, work motivation and income distribution.” The long-term goals, on the other hand, are aimed at developing “food and energy self-sufficiency, an efficient use of human potential, a higher level of competitiveness ... and the development of new forms of production” (Cuban Communist Party, 2010). <p><b>Bureaucracy</b> <p>For Max Weber bureaucratic organization was something of a necessary evil. As communities and societies grew larger the need for a ‘body’ or ‘mechanism’ to administer goods and services to the public in a fair and equitable manner necessitated the development of standardized ways of dealing with that public. This task has often fallen to ‘government’ and most of the time when one speaks of bureaucracy, one thinks of ‘government bureaucracy’ and ‘red tape.’ Bureaucratic dealings are premised on the removal of personalism, nepotism and favouritism from any consideration having to do with the exchange of public resources or funds. This covers exchange of payment of all sorts, of job sinecures, special privileges, and even of personal protection from prosecution. Bureaucracy prides itself on its ability to discharge the public’s business objectively and dispassionately. <p>Because “[t]he chief merit of bureaucracy is its technical efficiency, with a premium placed on precision, speed, expert control, continuity, discretion, and optimal returns on input” (Merton, 1968:250), the bureaucrat conducts official affairs “precisely, unambiguously, continuously, and with as much speed as possible.” And with specific regard to objectivity, Weber even goes on to add that “calculable rules” are an intrinsic part of this form of organization: “Bureaucracy develops the more perfectly, the more it is ‘dehumanized,’ the more completely it succeeds in eliminating from official business love, hatred, and all purely personal, irrational, and emotional elements which escape calculation” (Weber, 1978:974-975). As will be appreciated, then, bureaucracy is the antithesis of spontaneity and this picture grates against the popular image associated with the passion, effervescence and improvisational inventiveness of the Cuban revolutionary. Hence, during the early years of the Revolution, on the question of bureaucracy Ché Guevara and his followers evinced both a rational apprehension about the necessary evil of bureaucracy, as well as a healthy naivete in proposing a solution to the problem of its growth and expansion. As Valdés notes, “because the technocratic sector would become too influential, powerful, and separated from the population at large,” that sector had to be reined in, thus, a three-pronged attack was devised: (a) reduce the numerical strength of the non-revolutionary bureaucrats and technocrats, (b) develop and strengthen the powers of the Communist Party as the watchdog against bureaucratic excesses or abuses, and (c) train certain committed and morally conscious revolutionaries to carry out the necessary bureaucratic tasks while not losing sight of the socialist and communist goals of the Revolution (1979:16). <p>In its initial approach to the problem of bureaucratization the revolutionary government focused mainly on the seemingly large number of idle, white collar, office workers. But as time passed attention was directed, not at the minor clerical functionaries, but at the top bureaucrats, who, based on their monopolization of technical knowledge of different sorts, wielded considerable decision making powers. In the mid-nineteen sixties, therefore, Fidel would define “bureaucratism as a manifestation of the petty-bourgeois spirit inside the proletarian state” (Valdés, 1979:20), and in a speech of January 2, 1965, he would later elaborate: “In the political mentality of a petty bourgeois there is no other type of revolution than a bureaucratic revolution; in the petty bourgeois mentality one can do without the masses” (Ibid). Not long after “a full blown anti-bureaucratic war was declared. Technocratic views were discarded, and mass mobilizations exhalted. The revolutionary leadership informed all technicians and bureaucrats that they would have to work with their hands in order to comprehend fully the meaning of physical labour” (Ibid). <p>But as societies or communities grow larger and more complex, the equitable treatment of citizens seems to dictate an indispensable, standardized approach to all individuals, and as part of its mandate, bureaucratic organization is seen to necessitate a unique instance of the division of labour, which, according to Talcott Parsons, involves: <p>specialization in terms of clearly differentiated functions, divided according to technical criteria, with a corresponding division of authority hierarchically organized, heading up to the central organ, and specialized technical qualifications on the part of the participants (Parsons, 1949:506). <p>To be effective, therefore, the professional bureaucrat formally occupies an ‘office’ or a position and is expected to exhibit “a certain impersonal devotion to the tasks of the office” that clearly imposes “obligations on the incumbent” (Ibid). To this indispensability of bureaucratic organization (the necessary evil) Robert Michels would add: “It is nonetheless true that the social wealth cannot be satisfactorily administered in any other manner than by the creation of an extensive bureaucracy” (1962:347). The communist maxim which holds that “from each according to his ability, to each according to his needs” (Marx, 1972:17),<a href="file:///C:/Users/Nelson/AppData/Local/Microsoft/Windows/Temporary Internet Files/Content.Outlook/1L8SYATW/#_ftn3_6120" name="_ftnref3_6120"><sup>3</sup></a> is thus anathema to bureaucracy, for it resists the standardized and depersonalized treatment of individuals, so when communist and socialist organizations become bureaucratized and mechanical in their operations it is an indication that they are drifting away from this central precept. Further, one unintended consequence of thick bureaucratization is that as general rules come to replace human spontaneity and subjectivity, the door is opened for certain well placed individuals (experts who are hidden from the public’s gaze), to engage in corrupt activities. <p><b>Bureaucracy and democracy</b> <p>The foregoing suggests that there is a serious human downside to all this efficiency, speed, precision and calculability. For the larger the size of the population that needs ministering, the greater the likelihood than fewer and fewer individual experts would have a say in the daily management of affairs, and the more the public will feel alienated from decision making that affects their daily lives. In other words, it stands to reason that broad public input is just too logistically unwieldy to permit everyone to have a say or, given people’s opposing views and tastes, to have everyone’s desires granted. This implies a contradiction between bureaucracy and democracy, and led Michels to conclude that a pure form of democracy is practically impossible as domination of the few over the many was an inescapable fact of life: “He who speaks of power speaks of domination, and all domination presumes the existence of a dominated mass” (1962:346). Then he continues in this vein with the observation that “every system of leadership is incompatible with the most essential postulates of democracy” (Ibid:364), out of which he formulated his notion of <i>the iron law of oligarchy</i> or what he described as “the law of the historic necessity of oligarchy” (Ibid). In other words, “It is organization which gives birth to the dominion of the elected over the electors, of the mandataries over the mandators, of the delegates over the delegators. Who says organization, says oligarchy” (Ibid:365). <p>While we must be cautious to note that Michels’ views were developed in the context of his investigations of left-wing political movements in Germany, especially the German Social Democratic Party, and hence are not easily generalizable, at the same time we cannot dismiss him out of hand. Of particular relevance is his observation that oligarchical rule stems from the practical impossibility of full mass or general political participation by a large number of people, and the concomitant need, when dealing with large numbers, for expert decision making, efficiency, precision and reliability. But what is also noteworthy is that the inevitability of bureaucracy, domination and oligarchical rule in modern society transcends political ideologies, since it is expected that they could be present in both capitalist and socialist systems, which is most relevant for our interest in Cuban socialism below. <p>Similar sentiments are echoed by Talcott Parsons and Robert Merton. For his part Parsons speaks of “the rigidity of bureaucratic organizations” especially as they involve “very large scale business, government control <i>and socialism</i>” (Parsons, 1949:150-151; our emphasis). In line with Weber’s above reference to ‘dehumanization,’ Parsons was clear that bureaucracies were also systems of social control premised on unmistakable discipline and the commitment of bureaucrats to observing the letter of the law: “Bureaucratic organization requires a ‘disinterested’ impersonal devotion to a specialized task and .... involves a submission to discipline within the limits of the task (1949:515). Once more, the insulation from public scrutiny and the experts’ possession of technical knowledge and claims to knowing what is best, give them great power and create opportunity for corruption and malfeasance, especially in circumstances of economic scarcity. The case of revolutionary Cuba, blockaded for over 50 years, comes to mind, for as the daily struggle to put food on the table intensifies, the lure of corruption could be irresistible to those with any measure of power. Hence, the not uncommon purges at the highest levels of government over the years. <p><b>Trained incapacity and dysfunctions of bureaucracy</b> <p>One downside to bureaucratic organization can be found in the notion of <i>trained incapacity, </i>a term that comes from Thorstein Veblen (1914), who suggests a wider appeal for thinking, especially creative thinking, is suppressed and soon gives way to behaviour that is based more on habit, custom and tradition than on critical thought: “what men can do easily is what they do habitually, and this decides what they can think and know easily. They feel at home in the range of ideas which is familiar through their everyday life of action. A habitual line of action constitutes a habitual line of thought” (Veblen, 1914:195). In this context bureaucratic organization becomes self-defeating as “trained incapacity” or “trained inability” prevents such workers from seeing the bigger picture (Veblen, 1914:346-347). But as we will soon see in the case of socialist Cuba, we must be clear to point out that capitalist social and economic organization has no monopoly on the pitfalls of bureaucratism and what Robert Merton calls “goal displacement,” a process that occurs when formalistic goals become more important than the main substantive goal of an organization (1968:253). <p>Goal displacement is evidenced when “the very elements which conduce toward efficiency in general produce inefficiency in specific instances” (Merton, 1968: 254). In other words, those charged with carrying out the rules could well be described as “specialists without spirit, sensualists without heart” (Weber, 1958:181-182). One consequence of this is the loss of spontaneity and creativity: “Whereas efficiency increases as the amount of thought and questioning decreases, there is also a concomitant increase in the rate of incapacitation” (Wais, 2011). In sum, incapacitation results from a bureaucratic structure in which ‘ends’ are everything and ‘means’ are nothing. As workers get caught up in the demands of everyday life, as they become hyper-focused on the ends, they invoke ‘the rules,’ even when it can be pointed out that the rules are getting in the way of the bureaucracy’s main goal: to serve the public in an efficient and impartial manner. Kenneth Burke says it best: “People may be unfitted by being fit in an unfit fitness” (1954:10). And as is well known, in this criticism Cuba is no exception. <p><b>Weber’s iron cage </b> <p>In his critique of the tendency of modern society toward increasing forms of rationality, Weber focused on the purely material pursuits that had come to characterize so much of modern human exchanges and motivations in capitalist society. Invoking Richard Baxter, a leading writer on puritan ethics at the time, and who felt that materialism and the preoccupation with “external goods” was becoming the norm, Weber wrote: “In Baxter’s view the care for external goods should only lie on the shoulders of the ‘saint like a light cloak, which can be thrown aside at any moment.’ But fate decreed that the cloak should become an iron cage” (Weber, 1958:181). The “iron cage” in question referred not only to the blind pursuit of material goods, but more to the increasing rationalization of modern methods of production and distribution and the rationality embodied in bureaucratization that was fast coming to govern all social relationships. In other words, viewing bureaucracy as rational action in institutional form, Weber was persuaded that it was a necessary evil in modern, complex society (whether capitalist or socialist), where the need to administer more and more ‘things’ and to minister to the needs of more and more ‘people,’ made it an indispensable feature of such a society: “The primary source of the superiority of bureaucratic administration lies in the role of technical knowledge which, through the development of modern technology and business methods in the production of goods, has become completely indispensable” (Weber, 1978:223). <p>Of relevance to the current discussion, however, was Weber’s elaboration of this point and his assertion that though a product of capitalist society, bureaucracy is not limited to capitalist methods of societal organization: <p>In this respect it makes no difference whether the economic system is organized on a capitalistic <i>or a socialistic basis.</i> Indeed, if in the latter case a comparable level of technical efficiency were to be achieved, it would mean a tremendous increase in the importance of professional bureaucrats (Ibid:224; our emphasis). <p>Thus, as a socialist society and economy, Weber may well have had Cuba in mind when he made these observations, for as anyone familiar with socialist Cuba would attest, the bureaucracy is very thick, and those Cuban authorities who drafted, debated and implemented the <i>lineamientos</i> with which we are concerned in this essay, could benefit from Weber’s prescient warning: <p>Capitalism has created a ‘need for stable, strict, intensive, and calculable administration...’ [A] socialistic form of organization will not alter this fact.... For socialism would, in fact, require a still higher degree of formal bureaucratization than capitalism (Weber, 1978:224-225). <p><b>C.L.R. James and V.I. Lenin on bureaucracy and state capitalism</b> <p>For anyone who studied the antecedents of the Russian Revolution and who witnessed the subsequent developments in Soviet socialism during the first half of the 20<sup>th</sup> century, Weber’s warning was not misplaced. As the warping of Marxism during the Stalin years clearly attest, socialism is neither immune to bureaucracy, nor to its socially and politically corrosive effects. Nowhere is this better evidenced than in the work of C.L.R. James, a revolutionary in the most pure and complete understanding of that term, and who at times sounded even more like an orthodox Marxist than Marx himself when he claimed categorically that the proletariat under capitalism was not only ‘potentially’ revolutionary, but ‘revolutionary,’ plain-and-simple.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Nelson/AppData/Local/Microsoft/Windows/Temporary Internet Files/Content.Outlook/1L8SYATW/#_ftn4_6120" name="_ftnref4_6120"><sup>4</sup></a> As Noel Ignatiev tells us: <p>For James, the starting point was that the working class is revolutionary. He did not mean that it is potentially revolutionary, or that it is revolutionary when imbued with correct ideas, or when led by the proper vanguard party. He said the working class is revolutionary and that its daily activities constitute the revolutionary process in modern society (Ignatiev, 2010:2-3). <p>James was a passionate opponent of bureaucracy and saw in it the principal reasons for the ultimate demise of Soviet socialism. And while he agrees with all of Weber’s objective sociological descriptions of the phenomenon, he adds an expressly political twist and roots his critique of bureaucracy in the very events of the Russian Revolution. His scathing critique and condemnation of Stalinism was premised on his charge that the Stalinist ‘bureaucracy’ made up of intellectuals and ‘labour bureaucrats’ (James, 1977:132) was bent on denying the proletariat an active role in determining the shape and direction of the new society. As Glaberman argued, “[t]he point was to get intellectuals discussing what workers had put forward, rather than workers discussing what intellectuals had put forward” (Glaberman, 1999:xix). <p>Thus, writing about the situation in Russia in 1950, James lamented that “[n]owhere in the world is labour so degraded as in Russia today” (1977:137), and he goes on to indict the so-called Stalinist revolutionary process in which the masses of workers were deceived by their leaders, and instead of working toward their full liberation in the process of production, sought to distract and appease them by expanding consumption (James, 1980:111-115). All of this was undertaken while leaving decisions over production in the hands of a few “labour bureaucrats” or “labour aristocrats” (James, 1977: 132; 136), who stood at the helm of the Revolution. Leaders of the ilk of Stalin and his contemporaries such as Zinoviev, Kamenev, Kaganovich, Molotov and Baibakov “betray a tendency to become transformed into bureaucrats, i.e., into privileged persons divorced from the masses and superior to the masses. This is the essence of bureaucracy” (James, 1977: 129). It is no great wonder that James’ take on bureaucracy should follow so closely that of Lenin, whom he so admired, but in what follows attention must also be paid to Lenin’s apprehension concerning the clear vulnerability of the socialist leadership to the iron cage of bureaucracy: <p>Under capitalism democracy is restricted, cramped, curtailed, mutilated by all the conditions of wage slavery, and the poverty and misery of the people. This and this alone is the reason why the functionaries of our political organizations and trade unions are corrupted ... by the conditions of capitalism and betray a tendency to become bureaucrats, i.e., privileged persons divorced from the people and standing <i>above</i> the people. That is the <i>essence</i> of bureaucracy; and until the capitalists have been expropriated and the bourgeoisie overthrown, <i>even </i>the proletarian functionaries will inevitably be ‘bureaucratized’ to a certain extent (Lenin, 1972: 105; emphasis in original). <p>For activists such as Lenin and James, Stalinist Russia was a bourgeois (state) capitalist society in which the labour of the proletariat was completely alienated, which led James to ask: “What is new or socialist in this? How does the mode of labour of the worker in Stalinist Russia differ from the alienated labour of the worker in capitalist production? ....It is the most complete expression of class society, a society of alienated labour” (James, 1980:62-63). To this Glaberman would add: “What is involved fundamentally in our analysis is that capitalism is in a new stage, a stage that we have called state capitalist. There are a number of state capitalist viewpoints in the world today, but mostly they are descriptions of Russia” (1999: 188). <p>In analysing the political tasks that lay ahead of the working class in the lead up to the Russian revolution, Lenin took stock of the various strains and tensions in the society and posed the question, “What is to be done?” His main aim was to critique and expose the narrowness and misguidedness of the pure economic struggle that was insisted on by the economists and trade unionists, who figured that ‘economism’ or a ‘trade union consciousness’ was an effective substitute for a broader political education and class consciousness. The supporters of economism, he felt, were deluded into thinking that they constituted the vanguard of the workers’ movement when indeed they were not. Thus, he asked rhetorically, “Are they not confusing the word ‘vanguard’ with the word ‘rearguard’?” (Lenin, 1972: 104), and went on to declare that: “It is not enough to attach a ‘vanguard’ label on a rearguard theory and practice” (Ibid:110). The principal problem had to do with the fact of Lenin’s conviction that since the Social Democratic revolution in question was to envelop the entire society, economism was an incorrect message: <p>The fundamental error that all the Economists commit, [is] their conviction that it is possible to develop class political consciousness of the workers <i>from within,</i> so to speak, their economic struggle, i.e., making this struggle the exclusive ... or, at least, the main basis (Lenin, 1973: 97; emphasis in original). <p>He then made his point clear when he insisted that political education must of necessity be broad education; it must bring workers into contact with their fellows, who are not necessarily union brothers and sisters caught up in restricted questions of improving wages, enhancing pensions and benefits, bettering working conditions and so on. He was more inclusive of all citizens, even those who were not necessarily workers but who had the potential to become politically educated or conscious and to appreciate the workers’ demands: <p>Class political consciousness can be brought to the workers <i>only from without,</i> that is, only from outside of the economic struggle, from outside of the sphere of relations between workers and employers. The sphere from which alone it is possible to obtain this knowledge is the sphere of relationships between <i>all</i> the classes and strata and the state and government ....(Lenin, 1973:98; emphasis in original). <p>Insisting that “[t]he name of that social guild which holds back and paralyses all guilds of the Soviet economy is the bureaucracy,” James (1980: 59) was relentless in his attack on the Russian leadership of the day: “The philosophy of Stalinism is the philosophy of the elite, the bureaucracy, the organizers, the leaders clothed in Marxist terminology” (James 1969: 98), but in the evolving Cuban context one wonders whether a similar disdain for workers and bureaucratization of functionaries may have set in to the Revolution. Is the language used by the leadership akin to that which James attributed to the Russian leadership? Has the new generation of Cuban workers themselves come to develop a sense of entitlement? <p>The Stalinists call these workers ‘our loafers, our triflers, our grabbers, flouting labour discipline, looking sullenly askance at their work – which leads to flaws in output, to damaged equipment and tools, to breakdown in production schedules, and to other <i>negative</i> manifestations which retard the increase of production’ (James, 1969: 98; emphasis in original). <p>The idea here is that as a revolution becomes more entrenched rationalization of production and distribution becomes the norm and given the inevitability of bureaucratization, special interests are developed, leaders are separated from followers, rulers from ruled, and thinkers from doers, all of which opens the doors to corruption. In Russia James saw this trend and drew attention to the alienation of the proletariat whose role in the struggle for socialism was merely “to work harder and harder” to meet production quotas, while questions of “leadership and organization are left to the ‘criticism and self-criticism’ of the elite, the bureaucracy, the party.” In time, everything comes to depend “on the party, on the bureaucracy’s consciousness and self-consciousness ... , <i>its</i> direction, <i>its</i> control, <i>its</i> foresight. The masses are merely at the disposal of the party as they are at the disposal of capital” (James, 1969: 100; emphasis in original). The error, however, is to assume that the workers are not capable of leading themselves and their own revolution; of presuming that an enlightened vanguard is a <i>sine qua non</i> of a successful revolution. But both Lenin and James were decidedly against this elitist vision of the bureaucratic approach to politics “which, in the case of the Russian trade unions, meant administering them from above” (Austin, 2009: 20). <p>Thus, speaking of the working class and its objective historical mission to make revolution, James understood just how capitalism created its own grave diggers (Marx and Engels, 1977a: 114; 119) when its very methods of production created the conditions for its own destruction. Along with the alienation and exploitation of workers, the elaboration of the division of labour gave the workers the skills, discipline, organization and consciousness that were needed to overthrow the system and begin the march out of the realm of necessity and into the realm of freedom. This is the protracted process of making revolution, sometimes by trial and error, and seeing the ways in which praxis makes both worker and revolution stronger with each passing day: “The makers of the revolution were objectively prepared by capitalism itself to do what previous revolutions had been unable to do, establish a just and harmonious society” (James, 1980: 115). To this Glaberman would add: “James could see, as Lenin and Marx could see, that to think that only with the guidance of a vanguard party could the working class be fit to make a revolution was utopian nonsense” (Glaberman, 1999:xxvi). <p>In all of this the twin questions of revolution and democracy loom large. For in the contemporary western imagination these two terms smack of contradictory or opposed sentiments or messages. Revolutions are synonymous with socialism and Marxism and hence are resisted or rejected as a means for bringing about change, while democracy is embraced as the preferred system of rule. It is therefore noteworthy that Marx and Engels would say that: “...the first step in the revolution by the working class, is to raise the proletariat to the position of the ruling class, to win the battle of democracy” (1977a: 126). They were of course speaking about socialist democracy, which is not to be confused with its bourgeois counterpart, “a democracy for the minority, only for the propertied classes, only for the rich” (Lenin, 1972: 79). Thus, referring to the Paris Commune and the sham of bourgeois democracy, Marx was cynical about the idea of ‘giving’ the vote to the common people who were made to believe that they were deciding “once in three or six years which member of the ruling class was to misrepresent the people in parliament” (Marx and Engels, 1977b: 221). Lenin picked up on this cynicism and fleshed it out when he wrote that “Marx grasped the essence of capitalist democracy splendidly when, in analysing the experience of the Commune, he said that the oppressed are allowed once every few years to decide which particular representatives of the oppressing class shall represent and repress them in parliament” (Lenin, 1972: 80). <p><b>Cuba: how best to build socialism and communism</b> <p>It is in this context that we seek to assess the way forward for the Cuban Revolution as the revolutionaries attempt to come to grips with the practical challenges of constructing democratic socialism in the early 21<sup>st</sup> century, the age of neo-liberalism. Hoping to avoid the pitfalls of Soviet socialism, for over half a century the leaders of the Cuban Revolution have experimented with various economic and social strategies aimed at constructing ‘the good society’; a society based on socialist economic principles and practices, on the one hand, and communist morality, mutual respect and equal treatment among workers and ordinary citizens, on the other. Recognizing that revolutions are by definition always in flux, always changing and being changed by lived circumstances, those experiments have registered both major successes and notable setbacks (some of them repeated); for constructing socialism on a five-hundred year old capitalist base is bound to bring with it unique challenges, and it is neither fair nor easy to judge its achievements on the basis of a mere 50 years. <p>Thus, some 41 years ago, in a 1966 speech he delivered to the members of Cuba’s largest trade union, the Confederation of Cuban Workers (CTC), Fidel Castro did not necessarily see the Soviet and Chinese models of socialism as particularly relevant for Cuba. The Cuban Revolution had to respond to its own unique historical circumstances, it could not be imposed from outside and above, and it had to proceed by its own trial and error measures. So Fidel spoke of the tentative and provisional steps that the Revolution was making when he declared: <p>We face new situations, a series of issues that forces us to think with our own heads. We face the task of building socialism .... And how is socialism built? How is communism built?.... We believe that the road to communism is an entirely new road about which humanity has no experience. It is possible for a country to believe that it is building communism, but in reality is constructing capitalism. It can happen. We want to build both socialism and communism. Since there is no handbook on how to do so, no index, no guide, since no one has yet travelled that road, we have the right to attempt it with our own means, our own procedures and methods (quoted in Valdes, 1979: 17). <p>What Fidel is saying is that it is all experimental and provisional, but he never wavered on the socialist ideal. In what follows, then, we will attempt to assess the above-mentioned successes and setbacks in relation to the previous discussion of bureaucracy, while linking them to the problems of corruption and unfulfilled revolutionary promises. In other words, we want to assess the likelihood that the Cuban revolution could avoid the pitfalls of bureaucracy and its associated ill, corruption. Bearing in mind the great antipathy that both Lenin and James felt toward Stalinist and Soviet bureaucratization, our earlier characterization of bureaucracy as a necessary evil comes to mind. In perfect step with the bureaucrat as a specialist without spirit and as possessing ‘trained incapacity,’ the section of the <i>ESPG</i> that speaks to Investment Policy, especially Article #109, makes clear the embrace of ‘bureaucracy as a necessary evil’ when it states that “The most critical investments will respond to the short, medium and long-term development strategy of the country, <i>eradicating spontaneity, improvisation, superficiality</i> and lack of scope” (our emphasis). <p>As may be appreciated, the revolutionary struggle against bureaucracy is not new. And in the specific case of trying to create a socialist society, it represents a real threat, for it could remove popular control from the masses and concentrate it in the hands of a bureaucratic and technocratic elite bent on usurping popular power. Bureaucratic power rests on the possession of expert knowledge and those who wield such power are often known to develop their own interests and privileges, and to act selfishly with a view to protecting those interests and privileges. In other words, the bureaucratic tendency must be guarded against for the bureaucrat cannot always be trusted to do what is in the best interest of the non-expert masses. As Max Weber noted, because of the unassailable power of a fully developed bureaucracy, and because that bureaucracy takes on a life of its own “[T]he political ‘master’ always finds himself, vis-B-vis the trained official, in the position of a dilettante facing the expert” (1978:991). <p>But the challenge facing the Cuban revolutionary leadership concerned the possibility of constructing a socialist society that avoided the pitfalls of capitalist bureaucracy. And in the early years of the Revolution they were convinced that they could do so. Thus, in attempting to guard against the corrupting and corrosive forces of bureaucracy, the leaders of the revolution thought that they could avoid the problem by taking committed and dedicated revolutionaries and making them into bureaucrats (Valdés, 1979:16). The idea was that, unlike the bureaucrat under capitalism, the revolutionaries’ superior communist morality would insulate them from the lure of corruption. But as we see below, the leaders of the revolution would have done well to pay heed to Weber’s somewhat gloomy assessment when he observed that capitalists do not have a monopoly on the sort of bureaucratic control that wrests power away from the ordinary people and distorts the most noble of intentions. For while “[c]apitalism has created a ‘need for stable, strict, intensive, and calculable administration...’ a socialistic form of organization will not alter this fact.... For socialism would, in fact, require a still higher degree of formal bureaucratization than capitalism” (Weber, 1978:224-225). As a necessary evil, then, in the building of a socialist and communist society, bureaucracy is indispensable and has to be confronted, to be harnessed in keeping with the needs of the new society. <p><b>Bureaucracy and Corruption</b> <p>This Weberian caution may well have been on Fidel’s mind when he commented in a speech delivered to the central organization of Cuban Trade Unions on September 3, 1970, that: “If socialism is not controlled by the masses it fails, because socialism must work for the masses and all the problems can be solved only by the masses....without the masses socialism loses the battle; it bureaucratizes itself” (quoted in Valdés, 1979:23). And as the revolutionary government would come to learn in the decades following, bureaucratic centralization could have two sets of unintended consequences: (a) it could give birth to a whole new class of privileged experts infected with the diseases of capitalist greed, individualism, materialism and narcissism, and bent on protecting its interests, and (b) it could lead to worker alienation, disaffection with the Revolution and the embrace of corruption. <p>Thus, 35 years later, on November 17, 2005, speaking at the University of Havana to an assembly of university students and professors from all over Cuba, Fidel Castro was clear in his denunciation of the widespread corruption that had taken hold in several sectors of the society and economy. He likened that corruption onto an illness and to express his deep disappointment he spoke of the necessity of going to war against it: “As you know, we are presently waging a war against corruption, against the re-routing of resources, against thievery” (Castro Ruz, 2005. http://www.cuba.cu/gobierno/discursos/2005/ing/f171105i.html). <p>Fidel spoke of corruption as a “tragic dilemma,” a theme that was brought on by ordinary “workers, the weaknesses of the foremen, and of others in leading positions.” He also averred that “[i]n this battle against vice there will be no truce for anyone and we shall be thoroughly scrupulous.” Then he continued, “if we are going to war we need weapons of greater caliber; we must carry out criticism and self-criticism in the school room, in the party cells and then outside the party cells, in the municipality and finally in the entire country.... The Revolution has to use these weapons, and we shall use them whenever necessary” (Ibid). And later Raúl Castro (2011a) would add: “We are very aware of Fidel’s warning ... that this country can destroy itself by itself, since today the enemy cannot do it; we can, and it will be our fault....let us put an end to this parasitic plague.” <a href="http://www.granma.cubaweb.cu/2011/12/25/nacional/artic05.html">http://www.granma.cubaweb.cu/2011/12/25/nacional/artic05.html</a> <p>These were not idle threats for in another stinging discourse entitled “Corruption is equivalent to counterrevolution” Raúl Castro (2011b) has given teeth to the warning issued by his older brother five years earlier. Thus, calling on the government to be “relentless in the face of corruption, which can lead to our self destruction,” Raúl has instructed members of the Central Committee of the PCC to deal firmly with the negligent and irresponsible actions that damage the national economy as a direct consequence of the passivity with which several managers and leaders act, and the lack of coordinated functioning among different Party organizations. And in attacking delinquency and the corrupt officials who benefit from it, the President noted that “the battle against crime and corruption has no room for complacency.... We have to move from words to deeds.” In this context the Article #162 of the <i>ESPG</i> took special aim at the abuse of the ration book system and the growth of a black market in rationed goods. This said, in July of 2011, in the Provincial Court of Havana jail sentences were brought down against 10 former top leaders and public officials of two important Cuban enterprises (the Institute of Civil Aeronautics and the Commercial Firm of Pharmaceutical Products). In addition stiff sentences were handed down <i>in absentia</i> against a number of foreign businessmen who had conspired with their Cuban counterparts (see Pedro Hernández Soto’s <i>Café Mezclado Blog</i> of 07/30/2011 and 11/14/2011). <p><b>Conclusion: socialist solutions or neo-liberal reforms?</b> <p>But the point of all of this is not to itemize evidence or instances of corruption, but rather to acknowledge that it exists, that it may be widespread, and that it could be linked to the increasing bureaucratization of Cuban society and economy. Further, given the provisions of the <i>Economic and Social Policy Guidelines</i> (<i>ESPG</i>), one may well question whether the Cubans will be spared excesses of capitalist bureaucratization, or even whether bureaucratization needs to be accompanied by the adjective ‘capitalist.’ As the government seemingly moves in the direction of implementing market reforms, what some have called neo-liberal reforms, as income taxation becomes the norm, as own-account workers are legalized in both the rural and urban sectors, as discussions about a single monetary system are floated, as material incentives come to supplant moral ones, and as the revolutionary impact of the internet makes deeper and deeper inroads into the society, what might the Cuba of tomorrow look like? <p>In other words, in spite of the rhetorical claims, is the global reality confronting the Cuban government forcing the latter, however reluctantly, to embrace neo-liberal reforms? Once more we quote from the <i>ESPG</i>, which reflects the ambivalence and states that the new economic policy “corresponds to the principle that only socialism is capable of overcoming the difficulties and preserving the conquests of the Revolution,” and in the new reality “planning will be supreme, <i>not the market....</i> Work is both a right and a duty; it is the personal responsibility of every citizen and must be remunerated according to its quantity and quality” (Cuban Communist Party, 2010; our emphasis). What this says is that in the final analysis, it is conscious human deliberation (planning) and not some “invisible hand” (the market) that will determine the course of socialism in Cuba. But at the same time it recognizes the reality of market considerations and constraints: “The transition from capitalism to socialism is marked by tension between planning and the market. Democratic planning to meet social needs first becomes increasingly dominant, then ultimately the sole determinant of economic activity” (Cameron, 2012). <p>Yet, try as they might, twenty years into the Revolution (1979) the Cubans had not been able to find an effective substitute for bureaucracy or bureaucrats, who “make economic plans, appoint management ..., allocate labour, direct production ..., coordinate the means of production, set margins, and distribute the national income” (Valdés, 1979:34). And right into the present, and for the foreseeable future, the challenge is to see whether, as Weber averred, bureaucracy is even more paralyzing of socialist society than it is of capitalism. Our question is, then, will the increasing bureaucratization that accompanies routinization of the Revolution spell the end of socialism as we know it, and herald a return to capitalism in Cuba, or will it simply mark a new and necessary phase in the development of socialism in the global age? 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James on revolutionary organization. </i>Jackson: University Press of Mississippi. <p>James, C.L.R. 1969. <i>State capitalism and world revolution.</i> Detroit, MI.:Facing Reality Publications. <p>Lenin, V.I. 1972. <i>The state and revolution.</i> Moscow: Progress Publishers. <p>Lenin, V.I. 1973. <i>What is to be done? </i>Peking: Foreign Languages Press. <p>Lenin, V.I. 1966. <i>Imperialism: the highest stage of capitalism. </i>Moscow: Progress Publishers. <p>Marx, Karl. (n.d.) <i>Capital.</i> Vol.1. New York: International Publishers. <p>Marx, Marx. 1970. <i>A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy.</i> Moscow: Progress Publishers. <p>Marx, Karl. 1972. <i>Critique of the Gotha programme.</i> Peking: Foreign Languages Press. <p>Marx, Karl and Friedrich Engels. 1977a. “The communist manifesto” in <i>Selected Works</i> Vol.1. Moscow: Progress Publishers. <p>Marx, Karl and Friedrich Engels. 1977b. “The civil war in France” in <i>Selected Works</i> Vol.2. Moscow: Progress Publishers. <p>Merton Robert K. 1968. <i>Social theory and social structure</i> (enlarged edition). New York: The Free Press. <p>Michels, Robert. 1962. <i>Political parties :a sociological study of the oligarchical tendencies of modern democracy.</i> New York: The Free Press. <p>Parsons, Talcott. 1949. <i>The structure of social action.</i> Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press. <p>Plummer, Robert. 2011. “Cuba inches toward market socialism.” <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/business-12565417?print=true">Http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/business-12565417?print=true</a> retrieved 5/4/2012. <p>Valdés, Nelson P. 1979. “The Cuban Revolution: economic organization and bureaucracy.” <i>Latin American Perspectives. </i>(6)1: 13-37. <p>Valdés, Nelson P. 1997. “El estado y la transición en el socialismo: creando nuevos espacios en Cuba.” <i>Temas</i> (9): 101-111 (enero-marzo). <p>Valdés, Salvador. 2012. “Cuba no podrá subir sueldos hasta elevar productividad, según líder sindical.” <i>EFE</i> (Madrid), April 30. <p>Veblen, Thorstein. 1914. <i>The instinct of workmanship and the state of the industrial arts.</i> New York: B.W. Huebsch Inc. <p>Wais, Erin. 2011. “Trained incapacity: Thorstein Veblen and Kenneth Burke,” <a href="http://www.kbjournal.org/wais">http://www.kbjournal.org/wais</a> 18/08/2011. <p>Weber, Max. 1958. <i>The protestant ethic and the spirit of capitalism.</i> New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons. <p>Weber, Max. 1978. <i>Economy and society </i>(Vol.2). Guenther Roth and Claus Wittich (eds). Berkeley: University of California Press. <hr align="left" size="1" width="33%"> <p><a href="file:///C:/Users/Nelson/AppData/Local/Microsoft/Windows/Temporary Internet Files/Content.Outlook/1L8SYATW/#_ftnref1_6120" name="_ftn1_6120"></a><sup>1</sup><i>Gaceta Oficial Extraordinaria </i>(Habana), No 40, November 21, 2011, and “Nuevas posibilidades de créditos y servicios bancarios vigentes a partir del próximo 20 de Diciembre,” <i>Granma</i> (Habana), November 24, 2011. <p><a href="file:///C:/Users/Nelson/AppData/Local/Microsoft/Windows/Temporary Internet Files/Content.Outlook/1L8SYATW/#_ftnref2_6120" name="_ftn2_6120"></a><sup>2</sup> “Amplian ocupaciones para los cuentapropistas.” <i>Cubadebate,</i> 29 Julio 2011; “Unas 295,000 personas ejercen el trabajo por cuenta propia en cuba.” <i>Cubadebate,</i> April 9, 2011; “Comenzó en Cuba proceso de reordenamiento laboral.” <i>Cubadebate,</i> January 4, 2011, and <i>Gaceta Oficial extraordinaria</i> No. 024, 22 Junio 2011, p. 247-250]. <p><a href="file:///C:/Users/Nelson/AppData/Local/Microsoft/Windows/Temporary Internet Files/Content.Outlook/1L8SYATW/#_ftnref3_6120" name="_ftn3_6120"></a><sup>3</sup>We will see later how the Cuban government has reformulated this key Marxian maxim to adjust to the difficult economic times and what it tells us about the increasing bureaucratization of the Revolution and its alleged embrace of neo-liberalism (See Valdés, 1997:109). <p><a href="file:///C:/Users/Nelson/AppData/Local/Microsoft/Windows/Temporary Internet Files/Content.Outlook/1L8SYATW/#_ftnref4_6120" name="_ftn4_6120"></a><sup>4</sup>At least Marx left the door open for political education to combat false consciousness, but James often wrote in a dogmatic, reductionistic and deterministic fashion which suggested that there was something in the working class that made it inherently and automatically revolutionary. He also seemed unaware of the tautological reasoning that attended his blind endorsement of working class revolutionary action: “... some time or other the proletariat is going to decide to intervene.... We do not know what the proletariat is going to do or when it is going to do it” (James, 1999: 60; 63). <p>*The nature, structure and functioning of empresas and its acciones nominativas remain to be clearly described and studied by the general population.</p> Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6026526.post-7317485202725193442014-05-08T21:32:00.000-07:002014-05-08T21:33:06.505-07:00Desde mi mausoleo moscovita<p> <p>Carta a los norteamericanos progresistas <p>Por V. I. Ulyanov *[enviado a Nelson P Valdés] <p>Aunque llevo muerto casi un siglo, me he tomado un tiempo libre en mi cielo revolucionario para comentar acerca de los hechos que se desarrollan en Estados Unidos. <p>Pero antes, quiero reconocer que no tenía razón cuando pronostiqué que iba a comenzar una revolución social en Norteamérica. Es cierto que en 1910 comenzó una revolución de campesinos al sur de la frontera de EE.UU., pero no dentro de las fronteras de la nación de los capitalistas norteamericanos. Me equivoqué por 94 años. <p>En 1917 escribí que Estados Unidos se había involucrado “en el sucio y sangriento laberinto europeo de instituciones burocrático-militares que subordinan todo a sí mismos y suprimen todo lo demás”. Esas palabras eran bastante certeras en aquel momento, pero lo son aún más hoy día. Sin embargo, ENTONCES no existía una situación revolucionaria. (1) <p>Ni en mis sueños más locos pude imaginar que ustedes tendrían que enfrentarse en el siglo 21 con el equivalente de los “sabelonada" del siglo 19. Los que murieron antes y después que yo, incluyendo al señor Bismarck y al señor Keynes, han sabido como el financiamiento deficitario hizo posible que el capitalismo sobreviviera y floreciera cuando se enfrentara a tantos ciclos financieros (cómo predijo Marx y también nuestros economistas rusos, Kondriateff y Minsky). <p>Pero ahora están ustedes ahí, en un paisaje político que ningún anticapitalista y antiimperialista pudo haber soñado. Parece que la revolución no está muy distante, y sin embargo, sus líderes capitalistas y políticos no hablan claramente acerca de la crisis, mientras que el interior rural, los pequeños pueblos e incluso una porción de la clase trabajadora no organizada piensan que lo que se necesita es una enmienda a un presupuesto balanceado. Imagínense, la propia base social que creó a un Mussolini y a un Hitler está tratando ahora de arreglar su economía cíclica capitalista eliminando lo único que la hace permanecer a flote –bueno, además de las transferencias financieras desde China y Japón. Es cierto, ni en mis sueños más locos pude prever la oligarquía financiera que domina actualmente el mundo, aunque fui uno de los primeros de mostrar sus orígenes. <p>Envidio a los que son radicales y viven hoy en Norteamérica. Tengo algunos consejos para ustedes: <p>-No se opongan al Tea Party y a los oportunistas financieros capitalistas de derecha que dominan el Partido Republicano. <p>-Permitan que la versión contemporánea del Partido No Sé Nada (el Tea Party) exacerbe las condiciones socio-económicas del pueblo norteamericano. <p>El Tío Joe Stalin, que ha estado conversando conmigo durante muchos años, me informa que él recuerda cuando el padre de los hermanos Koch se hizo millonario construyendo la industria pesada en nuestra Madre Rusia. Stalin cree que los muchachos Koch son socialistas encubiertos que quieren promover el caos en el seno del capitalismo. (2) <p>Y Mao, quien también se une a nuestras discusiones, piensa que EE.UU. hoy es un ejemplo maravilloso de lo que realmente significa su ensayo “Acerca de las Contradicciones”. Él pronostica que una Enmienda del Presupuesto Balanceado provocará una inestabilidad sistémica que acelerará las precondiciones revolucionarios porque: <p>Primero, las fuerzas militares norteamericanas ya no podrán proyectar en el extranjero su formidable poderío militar. Será imposible realizar nuevas guerras si el dinero no se asigna con anterioridad. <p>Segundo, el empleo público disminuirá, así que habrá una población creciente de desempleados., con el elemento agregado de que en nuestros días las expectativas de consumo eran bajas. El capitalista astuto se escapó de la descendente tasa de ganancia por medio de una financialización de la economía mundo, pero todo llega a su fin –el sistema crediticio ha llegado a su máximo punto y no puede continuar operando. Como proclamaron los Obreros Industriales del Mundo, “Este gastado y corrupto sistema no ofrece una promesa de mejora y adaptación. No se avizora una esperanza en las nubes de oscuridad y desesperación que cubren el mundo obrero". (3) <p>PERO un consejo: Cuidado que la guerra de clases que se extiende no se convierta en conflictos raciales, étnicos y geográficos. Y cuidado, no vaya a ser que los fascistas terminen por imponer lo que mi amigo Jack London llamó "el Tacón de Hierro”. Él escribió: “De la decadencia del capitalismo egoísta, se decía, brotará la flor de los tiempos, la Hermandad del Hombre. <p>En su lugar, tan atroz para nosotros que miramos atrás como para los que vivieron en esa época, el capitalismo, maduro hasta la podredumbre, envió esa derivación monstruosa, la Oligarquía”. (4) <p>[1] http://www.thenagain.info/Classes/Sources/StateRev.html <p>[2] http://www.alternet.org/story/146504/ <p>[3]Manifiesto a los Obreros del Mundo, 1905 y 1908. <p>http://www.historyisaweapon.com/defcon1/iwwpreamblemanifesto.html <p>[4] Jack London, El Tacón de Hierro, <p>http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1164/1164-h/1164-h.htm <p>*V.I. Ulyanov, más conocido por Vladimir Ilyich Lenin, fundó la URSS y fue el líder de la Revolución de Octubre de 1917.</p> Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6026526.post-31906817042121245442014-05-06T14:48:00.001-07:002017-04-27T19:15:53.528-07:00A Radical Humanist<br />
<h3>
Saul Landau: Make It Better</h3>
by NELSON P. VALDES<br />
I would like to add my voice and memories to the recognition and honors paid to Saul Landau, a Cuban, a North American, and universal man of many talents who was friend, poet, writer, popular teacher, university professor, documentalist and filmmaker, a radical, a humanist, a defender of just and democratic causes, an iconoclast, a journalist, a radio worker, a historian, an athlete, a father, a grandfather, a friend of thousands and certainly an example to all.<br />
He was also a master of the pen, the microphone, the TV camera, the pulpit, and friendship. He wrote novels; he organized and established organizations like the Institute for Policy Studies, the National Security Archives, the Center for Cuban Studies, and Holland’s Transnational Institute. He graduated from the University of Wisconsin and wrote a remarkable master’s degree thesis. He also went to Stanford. He published 14 books and 50 documentaries and films, and wrote more than 500 articles and as many book reviews. And he was mentor to hundreds.<br />
José Martí once said at Hardman Hall, in New York, on October 10, 1890: “A true man does not seek the path where the advantage lies, but rather where duty is found…” Saul, who was born just a few blocks from there, lived his life exactly as Marti suggested.<br />
Saul was born on January 15, 1936 in the Bronx, New York, in a neighborhood brimming with Jews, Blacks, Catholics, Irish, Russians and Latinos. As a child, he saw his neighborhood demographically grow at a very rapid rate, almost as fast as the subway trains he used to take. Central and Eastern European Jews accounted for the majority of the population at a time when they were –politically speaking– the American left’s one of the most influential sector. Saul told me that he didn’t remember his father, who owned a pharmacy, as a left-winger. However, his urban environment was.<br />
The Jewish intellectual tradition joined the Black one –the “Harlem Renaissance”– precisely as Saul was growing up. As a high-school student he was already taking part in progressive actions. He was a young leftist when he went to study in Wisconsin. Together with other personalities such as Tom Hayden, James O’Connor and Lee Baxandall, he created what would be known as the new left, the Fair Play for Cuba Committee and other organizations.<br />
He founded the journals <em>Studies on the Left</em> and <em>Ramparts.</em> He helped C. Wright Mills with his book <em>Listen, Yankee</em> and together they edited the book <em>The Marxists.</em> But Mills was not the only renowned sociologist that Saul collaborated with when he was barely 23. There was also Max Weber’s best student –Hans Gerth– with whom Saul wrote a famous essay in 1960 about the integration of history and sociology. Gerth was already in his sixties.<br />
Saul’s life deserves a detailed biography. The FBI, considered Saul a bad example for the rest of humanity and accumulated over 15,000 classified documents on him.<br />
I had the chance to talk with Saul every day over the phone, more than once. We did so every day for the last five years. He connected many of us, through his phone calls. We also wrote articles for <em>CounterPunc</em>h and other venues. I remember the sequence for each article. He would start an article one week and I would do the same the following one. I remember that every time he sent me his draft he would tell me, “Make it better”. Such was, basically, his daily philosophy: make the world better. To Saul, that was a DUTY. And that is how we should remember him.<br />
[These words were read in Havana, Cuba, on December 18, 2013]<br />
<em><strong>Nelson P. Valdes</strong> is Professor Emeritus at the University of New Mexico.</em> <br />
<em>Translated by Walter Lippmann, editor of CubaNews.</em><br />
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Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6026526.post-6399948607087594162014-04-29T14:16:00.001-07:002014-04-29T20:00:32.064-07:00Saul Landau: Make It Better* <br />
por Nelson P Valdés <br />
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Quisiera unir mi voz y memoria en reconocer a Saul Landau, cubano, norteamericano, hombre universal. De numerosos talentos, amigo, poeta, escritor, maestro popular, profesor universitario, documentalista, film-maker, radical, humanista, defensor de las causas justas y democráticas, iconoclasta, periodista, trabajador de la radio, historiador, deportista, padre, abuelo, amigo de miles, ejemplo para toda la humanidad. Maestro de la pluma, el micrófono, la cámara de televisión y cine, el teléfono, el púlpito y la amistad. <br />
Saul escribió novelas, fué profesor, organizador y creador de organizaciones - tales como el Institute for Policy Studies, National Security Archives, Center for Cuban Studies, Transnational Institute (Holanda). Se graduó de la Universidad de Wisconsin y escribió una tesis de maestría extraordinaria, estudió en Stanford también. Publicó 14 libros, 50 documentales y películas. Escribió más de 500 artículos e igual número de reseñas de libros. Y fue mentor de cientos. <br />
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Dijo Martí en Hardman Hall, de Nueva York, el 10 de octubre de 1890: "...el verdadero hombre no mira de qué lado se vive mejor, sino de qué lado está el deber...". Saul quien nació a pocas cuadras de allí vivió su vida tal como lo sugirió Martí. <br />
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Saul nació el 15 de Enero de 1936 en el Bronx, en New York. En un barrio donde habían judíos, negros, católicos, irlandeses, rusos, latinos. Cuando Saul era niño su barrio crecía demográficamente a un ritmo más que rápido, casi tan rápido como el subway el cual conoció de muchacho. Los judíos de Europa central y oriental era el sector mayoritario. Eran los tiempos en que los judíos - políticamente - eran el sector más influyente de la izquierda norteamericana. Saul me dijo que él no recordaba que su padre, dueño de una farmacia - fuera un hombre de izquierda. Sin embargo, el ambiente urbano en que vivió sí era de izquierda. La tradición intelectual judía se une junto a la negra - el "Harlem Renaissance" se manifiesta en los precisos momentos en que Saul crece. Ya en bachillerato participa en actividades progresistas. Es un joven hombre de izquierda cuando se va a estudiar a Wisconsin. Inicia junto a otras personalidades como Tom Hayden, James O'Connor y Lee Baxandall lo que sería la nueva izquierda, el Fair Play for Cuba Committee y otras organizaciones. <br />
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Fundó la revista <u>Studies on the Left</u> y <u>Ramparts</u>. Ayudó a C. Wright Mills con su libro <u>Listen Yankee</u> y también edito con Mills el libro <u>The Marxists</u>. Pero Mills no fue el único sociólogo de renombre con el cual colaboró con apenas 23 años de edad. También lo hizo con el mejor estudiante de Max Weber - Hans Gerth, con quién escribió un ensayo famoso - en 1960 - sobre la integración de la historia y la sociología. Gerth ya tenía más de 60. <br />
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La vida de Saul merece una biografía detallada. El FBI, al considerar su vida un mal ejemplo para el resto de la humanidad, tiene 15,000 documentos clasificados sobre él. <br />
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Tuve la oportunidad de escribir con Saul durante los últimos 5 años, casi diariamente. Recuerdo que una semana el iniciaba el artículo, La siguiente semana yo lo hacía. Recuerdo que cuando me enviaba sus originales me decía "<strong>make it better</strong>." Esa fué, en sí, su filosofía diaria: haz el mundo mejor. Para Saul eso era un DEBER. Es así como debiéramos recordarle. <br />
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[Estas palabras fueron leídas el 18 de Diciembre 2013 en La Habana, Cuba]<br />
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<br />Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6026526.post-66172868334971637252013-12-05T06:44:00.000-08:002014-04-29T07:45:28.715-07:00An Open Letter to President Obama: Normalizing Relations With Cuba With Equivalent Humanitarian Acts<p> </p> <p>by Nelson P Valdés <p>December 5, 2013<br>President Barack Obama<br>The White House<br>Washington, DC <p>Dear President Barack Obama, <p>As a naturalized citizen of the United States I want to ask you, my President, to commute the sentences of four persons, often known as the Cuban Five. Their names are: Gerardo Hernández, Ramón Labañino, Antonio Guerrero and Fernando González. [The fifth, René González,was recently released from prison after serving his sentence]. <p>I am particularly interested in their case because I think their imprisonment, the result of a flawed trial, is a roadblock to normal relations between the United States and Cuba. Let me explain. <p>I was born in Cuba. When the Cuban revolution began I was 13 years old. By April 1961 I left Cuba, alone. It was part of a US government sponsored program later known as Operation Peter Pan. I was one of over 14,000 children that came to the US alone. In the United States I spent my teen age years in foster homes, then married, had a son and a daughter and eventually a grandson. From a janitor – my first job – I ended up with a doctorate in History and Sociology. <p>I am thankful to the United States and its institutions for the fact that I was able to make something of myself even though I never had my parents with me. I am 68 years old. <p>I have dedicated a significant part of my life to studying the country in which I was born as well as the country I made my own, and their relations. Because of the absence of normal diplomatic and commercial relations I have never been able – like many other Cubans – to interact in a fluid and normal manner between my two homelands. This needs to end. <p>I think that there is a need to have normal full diplomatic relations between the United States and Cuba. A first step should be the full pardon of the persons who have been called “the Cuba Five”. I am well acquainted with their case. I was one of seven Cuban American scholars who submitted an amicus curiae to the Supreme Court on behalf of the imprisoned. All of us are respected scholars and specialists on Cuba and Cuban American reality. Moreover, there are many others – like us – in the United States who were born in Cuba or are of Cuban ancestry who support better relations and the release of these prisoners. <p>Any unbiased assessment of the case and the highly politicized circumstances under which the trial happened will have to conclude that our Justice system did not work properly, in this particular case. Political and partisan considerations worked against fairness; and at the time the Clinton administration was literally under siege. But you as my President can do something about it. Commute their sentences. In doing so you will be earning the appreciation of the Cubans who are now US citizens as well as of our relatives on the island. <p>It is the right thing to do. But it will also mark a profound departure from past policies. You will find that most of Cuban Americans in the United States will welcome and support your daring initiative. Moreover, such a pardon will lead to a reciprocal action from the Cuban government. They have gone on record to that effect. That means that both sides will pardon one or more citizens of the other side. Thus, your action – at the same time – will trigger the release of American citizen Alan Phillip Gross. It is not a matter of equivalent violations of the law in one or another country; rather, it will be equivalent humanitarian acts by two governments who want to initiate constructive engagement. <p>It is clear that the families of the Cuban Five as well as the family of Mr Gross want their respective loved ones to be freed. But neither family wishes to say anything that could affect their own relatives or the other side. Yet, both the people of the United States and Cuba would benefit. <p>I am also certain that if you were to announce the forthcoming Presidential pardon, Cuba will reciprocate. They have gone on record that they would do so. Then, other long-standing bilateral differences could be discussed, negotiated and hopefully resolved further in the future. <p>The time for better relations between both countries is now. <p>Thank you for your consideration. <p>Best regards, <p>Nelson P Valdes <p>Emeritus Professor of Sociology</p> Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6026526.post-13730566021279158812013-11-30T11:15:00.000-08:002014-04-29T20:00:55.491-07:00<h2>
<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: small;"><b>La Tercera Apertura Económica Cubana: Responderá Estados Unidos?</b></span></h2>
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<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: 13px;">Nelson P Valdés</span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: 13px;"><i>"Nosotros no podemos guiarnos por el criterio de lo que nos guste o no nos</i></span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: 13px;"><i>guste, sino de lo que es útil o no es útil a la nación y al pueblo en estos</i></span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: 13px;"><i>momentos tan decisivos para la historia de nuestro país.. El país</i></span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: 13px;"><i>preservará todo lo que pueda ser preservado (APLAUSOS), y negociaremos todo</i></span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: 13px;"><i>lo que pueda ser negociado. Pero si tenemos que introducir una determinada</i></span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: 13px;"><i>dosis de capitalismo, lo introduciremos; lo estamos introduciendo, con</i></span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: 13px;"><i>todos los inconvenientes." - Fidel Castro, Agosto 6, 1995</i></span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;">Los que consideran que Cuba se está abriendo al capitalismo y que por lo</span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;">tanto la influencia de Fidel Castro ha disminuido o es nula y que dentro de</span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;">poco Cuba será capitalista - no le han estado prestando atención a la</span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;">realidad Cubana por lo menos desde 1982.</span><br />
<br style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;" />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;">Cuba ha tenido tres diferentes aperturas al mercado, a la inversión</span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;">extranjera y a los pequeños empresarios desde la década de los 80s. Por</span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;">desgracia se tiene poca memoria de esa historia.</span><br />
<br style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;" />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;">El hecho de que la isla se mantuviese en la órbita del "no capitalismo" [no</span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;">se le puede llamar socialismo ni comunismo], se debe al empecinamiento del</span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;">gobierno de los Estados Unidos.</span><br />
<br style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;" />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;">Repasemos la historia.</span><br />
<br style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;" />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;">Ya en 1982 Cuba anunció una legislación que permitía las inversiones</span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;">extranjeras. [1] O sea, Cuba trató de hacer una apertura cuando aún Vietnam</span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;">no lo había hecho y China iniciaba tal proceso en 1979. La Unión Soviética</span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;">le tomó hasta Mayo de 1991 iniciar similar proceso.</span><br />
<br style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;" />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;">Pero entonces, en 1982, el gobierno de Estados Unidos, junto con los</span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;">gobiernos de América Latina, iniciaban el gran proyecto de fomentar las</span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;">tesis de Milton Friedman y de la liberalización de las economías en la</span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;">región. Era la etapa del presidente Ronald Reagan y Jorge Mas Canosa</span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;">dictaba la política hacia la isla. Los países de América Latina en vez de</span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;">atraer capitales extranjeros entraban la etapa de la enorme crisis de la</span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;">deuda externa. Cuba, por su parte, comenzaba su propia apertura en los</span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;">precisos momentos en que América Latina entraba en lo que después se llamó</span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;">"la década perdida". La apertura cubana a una economía mixta (o que fuera</span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;">progresivamente más capitalista) fracasó por razones externas. No eran los</span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;">mejores momentos ya que estados Unidos buscaban una mayor aislamiento de la</span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;">isla.</span><br />
<br style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;" />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;">Cuando cae el Muro de Berlin (1989) y Boris Yeltsin toma el poder</span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;">(1991-1996) y desaparece el llamado "campo socialista" casi todo el mundo</span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;">pensó que a la revlucion cubana le quedaba solo unos días. Se describía a</span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;">Cuba como un "Parque Jurásico." Por lo tanto, lo que Cuba ofrecía desde</span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;">1982 no se le prestó atención y la isla - por lo tanto - entró en el</span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;">período especial en tiempos de paz [parecido a lo que V. I. Lenin llamó en</span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;">su momento el "comunismo de guerra"]. En el exterior no se vieron los</span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;">paralelos ni se prestó atención a lo que los cubanos habían anunciados aún</span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;">antes de Mikhail Gorbachev llegara al poder.</span><br />
<br style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;" />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;">En 1993, cuando Boris Yeltsin ya está en el poder en Moscú, Cuba abre el</span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;">país a la circulación del dólar [Julio 26] y en dos años y dos meses</span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;">después [Septiembre 6, 1995] revisa la legislación sobre inversión</span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;">extranjera. [2] Nuevamente el gobierno de los EEUU hace todo lo posible,</span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;">como en el '82, para que la isla no pueda obtener inversionistas, ni</span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;">préstamos y no pueda entrar en las instituciones globales del capitalismo.</span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;">La política norteamericana siguió siendo la del aislamiento y la</span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;">persecución económica. Es más, se le pone presión a los países de la Unión</span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;">Europea y casi toda Europa termina jugando el juego norteamericano de mayor</span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;">aislamiento a la isla.</span><br />
<br style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;" />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;">Ahora, más reciente, Cuba de nuevo recupera la legislación sobre inversión</span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;">extranjera del 82 y del 95, mientras comienza a abrir nuevos espacios</span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;">dentro de su propia economía así como en el puerto del Mariel, que es una</span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;">nueva y tercera versión, de la legislación sobre inversión extranjera;</span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;">igual que hizo a mediados de los 90s. [3]</span><br />
<br style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;" />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;">Pero la reacción del exterior fue casi nula en aquellos momentos.</span><br />
<br style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;" />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;">Hoy, sin embargo, las condiciones son otras. El mundo ha cambiado. La China</span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;">del 82 no es la China de hoy, tampoco lo es Vietnam. Rusia y los países del</span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;">BRIC ya tienen una política exterior propia y una estrategia económica</span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;">mundial. Y América Latina es más independiente, con más de una década</span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;">recuperada.</span><br />
<br style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;" />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;">Pero hay que notar que lo que Cuba nuevamente está tratando de establecer</span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;">es un sistema donde coexistan ciertas formulas e instituciones y</span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;">territorios capitalistas con un sistema estatal donde todavía se debate</span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;">cuál debe ser el papel del estado y el sector público en la economía.</span><br />
<br style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;" />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;">Esto no es la primera vez que sucede. La cuestión es si el gobierno de</span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;">Estados Unidos, en esta ocasión, está dispuesto a iniciar algún tipo de</span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;">cooperación económica - real y sustantiva - con una Cuba independiente.</span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;">==========================================================</span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;">[1] Decree-Law No. 50, "On Economic Association among Cuban and Foreign</span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;">Entities," February 15, 1982,</span><br />
<br style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;" />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;">[2] Gaceta Oficial de Cuba, No. 3, septiembre 6, 1995.</span><br />
<br style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;" />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #282828; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;">[3] </span><a href="http://www.granma.cubaweb.cu/2013/11/20/cubamundo/artic03.html" style="background-color: white; font-family: 'Segoe UI WPC', 'Segoe UI', Tahoma, 'Microsoft Sans Serif', Verdana, sans-serif;" target="_blank">http://www.granma.cubaweb.cu/2013/11/20/cubamundo/artic03.html</a>Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6026526.post-78613573252529520032013-11-27T16:44:00.001-08:002013-11-27T16:44:46.778-08:00<div align="center" style="font-family: Arial;">
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<b><span style="font-family: Comic Sans MS; font-size: large;">La Cachita Y El Ché: Patron Saints of Revolutionary Cuba</span></b></h2>
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<b><span style="font-family: Comic Sans MS; font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></b><b><span style="font-family: Comic Sans MS; font-size: x-small;">By Nelson P. Valdés as told to Nan Elsasser</span></b></h2>
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<span style="font-family: Comic Sans MS;">They are an unlikely duo: she is self-centered and he is self-sacrificing. She likes to dance; he thinks it's a waste of time. She is a hedonist; he is a fervent Marxist. She is originally from Africa; he was born in Argentina. About all they have in common is striking good looks and the love and adoration of the Cuban people who have adopted them.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Comic Sans MS;">Official Cuba lionizes Ché Guevara, the hero who fought his way to power by Fidel Castro's side and was killed by government soldiers in Bolivia. When Cuban soldiers return from supporting the Marxist regime in Angola, they are awarded medals for following el camino del Ché (the path of Ché). Yet within a few days of receiving their medals, the same soldiers will visit Cachita's shrine and leave their medals among the gifts of her devotees.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Comic Sans MS;">Cuba's political, economic, and cultural life rests significantly on a shaky compromise between the values represented by Cachita and Ché.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Comic Sans MS;">The Ermita, or shrine, of Caridad del Cobre, called Cachita, the patron saint of Cuba, is to the north of the city of Santiago, over 400 kilometers east of the Museo de la Revolución in Havana. It is at the ermita, rather than at the museum, that the rich history of revolutionary Cuba is on display, flickering in the shadows of votive candles. In the half-light of the tiny flames is the vial of hometown dirt that orbited the planet with Comandante Tamayo, the first and only Cuban astronaut; gold, silver, and bronze medals from the recent Pan American games in Indianapolis; and petitions from Fidel's mother from the days when her son was fighting in the sierra nearby. Side by side with these artifacts of national unity and revolutionary sacrifice are letters requesting a new car or a bigger apartment, and the traditional honey and cigar left in exchange for good sex.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Comic Sans MS;">In this small island nation, the fact that young communist "internacionalistas," the spiritual heirs of Ché, pay homage to a virgin from Spanish colonial times surprises no one. Nor does the fact that Caridad, alleged mother of God, most sacred of Catholic icons, bears the decidedly unholy nickname of "Cachita," central character of a popular song that choruses: "Cachita está alborotá, ahora baila el cha cha chá (Cachita is wild, now she's dancing the cha cha chá)."</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Comic Sans MS;">Caridad del Cobre, like much of Cuba, is not what she appears to be. And hundreds of thousands of Cubans know the truth: Cachita-Caridad del Cobre is neither Catholic, Spanish, nor white. She is Oshún, the mulatto goddess of pleasure. An African hedonist masquerading as a Spanish saint, a Catholic shrine in a communist country, consumerist dreams in a revolutionary setting - Caridad del Cobre epitomizes the contradictions and combinations of Cuban life. In the past and in the present, Cubans have learned to live comfortably with the combination of power politics and mystical imagery.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Comic Sans MS;">In a country accustomed to signs from the other world, it was logical, for example, that Fulgencio Batista chose December 31 to abandon power and flee to the Dominican Republic. For Cubans, it is essential to leave the old year's problems behind before a new year begins. On the last day of December, housewives all over Cuba "se hacen la limpieza"; they throw a bucket of water on the floor of the innermost room and sweep it through the house and out the front door, pushing evil spirits along with the dirty water. If Batista had remained, he would have been burdened throughout the coming year with the bad karma of his defeat.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Comic Sans MS;">Nor were Habaneros surprised when a relatively unknown Fidel Castro descended from the mountains of Oriente. Since Spaniards first landed in Cuba with boatloads of human cargo in the early 1500s, the easternmost province has been a refuge for those escaping tyranny. For the past three hundred years, Santiago and the mountains that surround it have been the actual and symbolic home of freedom, a cradle of rebellion, and the preferred territory of the African gods called santos. In Oriente, where Santería (the worship of African gods with the names of Catholic saints) is the dominant religion, everyone understood when Fidel came down from the mountain and told the assembled masses, "..I do not speak in my name. I speak in the name of the thousands and thousands... who made victory possible. I speak in the name of our dead. .. This time the dead will continue to be in command." It does not really matter that Castro was probably expressing his heartfelt commitment to those who died in the struggle to overturn Batista.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Comic Sans MS;">To believers, those words, like the white eleke (necklace) he wore around his neck, were a sure sign that the gods were speaking through Fidel. Any doubts were dispelled on January 8, when Fidel first entered Havana and addressed the Cuban nation. I remember that day, because my family owned the only TV on the block. Everyone in the neighborhood was either in our living room, standing in the doorway, or looking in through the front window. We were all listening to Fidel with one ear and to a neighbor with the other. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Comic Sans MS;">Until, seemingly from nowhere, two doves appeared and, illuminated by television lights, circled Camp Colombia where Fidel was speaking. As if on cue, one landed on the podium, and all of Cuba went silent. When the second dove perched on Fidel's shoulder, people gasped, then began chanting, "Fi-del. Fi-del." Over the years, many interpretations of this phenomenon have circulated. The New York Times said the dove symbolized the dawn of peace in a troubled land; the conservative Cuban press claimed the Holy Spirit had blessed the revolution. Both missed the mark because, appearances notwithstanding, neither Catholic nor Marxist-Leninist interpretations of reality have deep roots in Cuba. Behind the icons and the anti-imperialist billboards beat Santería drums.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Comic Sans MS;">Originally, Santería was a new world synthesis of various animist religions from southwest Nigeria. When threatened by Spanish slave owners for practicing heathen rites, African slaves clothed their beliefs in the protective coloring of Catholicism, and a new synthesis occurred. Today, the two religions share the same altars, the same images, sacred dates, and even prayers. In January 1988, Jaime Ortega, the archbishop of Havana, visited the chapel of Santa Barbara in nearby Guines (reputed to be a "bewitched" town). He was moved by the profound devotion he observed, which he chose to interpret as a manifestation of strong Catholic faith. But this chapel is maintained by santeros, not priests. And while the forms of these two religions overlap, the content does not. The eighty-year-old mayordomo who cleans and protects the church will tell you that the real power dwells behind the statue of Santa Barbara in the otá, or sacred stone of Changó. What distinguishes otá from other stones is that sacred stones are alive. They grow up and have children, assuring worshippers of a steady supply of supernatural energy.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Comic Sans MS;">The otá is not the only difference between Catholicism and Santería. According to santero theology, Olofi created the universe. Initially, his creation was immobile, but soon, bored with the static cosmos, he added plants, animals, flowers, seas, clouds, rain, human beings, and more than three hundred male and female gods called orishas. Each orisha, or santo, bears both an African Yoruba name and a Catholic name, as well as unique personalities and powers. Obatalá, for example, is unimpressed by money. Oshum, on the other hand, adores it, although she prefers a good party. Elegguá alone determines the future. What he predicts cannot be forestalled by man, woman, or other gods.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Comic Sans MS;">Unfortunately, by populating the heavens with so many strong characters, Olofi had also created interminable wrangling. Tired of endless conflict, he chose Obatalá to rule over other gods and human beings, who were also behaving poorly. Obatalá, who speaks through Fidel, is the leader, the god of thinking and consciousness. He is also the god of justice.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Comic Sans MS;">In Santería, both men and women serve as santeros. Over them are the babalawos, who have the power to make animal sacrifices, initiate believers into the religion and read the future with the Ifá oracle or with the eight largest pieces of a smashed coconut shell. Although there is a titular "king" of babalawos, he lacks the theocratic and administrative control of a Catholic pope. There are no "Thou shalt nots" in Santería. Believers do not attain salvation through good works and a pure heart. They get what they want in direct proportion to the adequacy of their offerings. The santos communicate their feelings via the orishas, or supernatural messengers. White doves are the messengers of Obatalá, the right-hand man of the god of all creation. Thus when the bird landed on Fidel, everyone watching knew that Castro was blessed; he was El Elegido (The Chosen One). Since then, Fidel has been called El Caballo (the Horse), the term used to designate someone whom an orisha has mounted and possessed.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Comic Sans MS;">On January 8, 1989, thirty years after the triumph of the Cuban revolution, Fidel spoke once again from Camp Columbia, and once again a white dove perched on his shoulder. He spoke of sacrifice, commitment, and hard work, and he invoked the spirit of Ché. But masses of Cubans attending the annual event saw and heard the spirit of Obatalá. Whether the dove, like the site, was orchestrated, is irrelevant. What is important is the continuing influence of Santería on Cuban popular culture, and, consequently, on political life. Contemporary Cuban values are rooted in a past without hope. Africans who had been seized and transported in chains across an ocean, deprived of family, land, and language, had little incentive to believe in their power to shape the future. Unlike Pilgrims, Puritans, and even indentured servants. their futures were determined by the whims of a slave master. In this despondent milieu, Santería was born and flourished. A stepchild of medieval Catholicism and African polytheism, Santería is the antithesis of Calvinism.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Comic Sans MS;">The descendants of slaves and landless peasants are convinced that material and spiritual well-being is not the reward for hard work and clean living. Three hundred years of experience taught them that happiness is fleeting and often achieved only at someone else's expense. Whether you acquire a new house or lose the one you already have, whether the sugar content of cane is high or low, whether the economy prospers or stagnates, depends not on budgeting, technology, or international banking policies; it is in the hands of a pantheon of capricious gods.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Comic Sans MS;">When Oshún asks for a sacrifice, she expects you to kill a pigeon; she is unimpressed by Ché's sacrifice, the kind where you die fighting imperialists. Nor is she impressed by a capitalist working himself to death, accumulating money for the benefit of generations down the road. A people who worship the goddess of sex, lover of gold, and patron of parties is not a people favorably disposed to endure the hardships required to surmount economic dependency and construct socialism. No one knows this better than Fidel Castro. For thirty years, Fidel, chief apostle of revolutionary sacrifice, has dedicated himself to transforming the ideology of the Cuban people; for thirty years he has exhorted his people to scorn the siren Cachita for the selfless Ché.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Comic Sans MS;">As perestroika rolled across the former Soviet Union and much of eastern Europe, Fidel pushed "rectification" - a return to asceticism, voluntarism, and collectivism. Political pundits interpreted Fidel's endless sermons as a direct challenge to Gorbachev's neo-capitalist policies. But Castro's devil was not Russian; she was/is a happy-go-lucky, mulatto goddess who cha-chas to the name of Cachita. In a 1979 speech, Castro said, " . . the most powerful weapon... is an ethic, a consciousness, a sense of duty, a sense of organization, discipline, and responsibility.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Comic Sans MS;">Castro knows that to bring prosperity and socialism to an underdeveloped society, he must provide Cuban citizens with a revolutionary version of the Protestant ethic. He has to make people believe in their power to shape their individual and collective futures. They must have faith that in their labor lies the foundation for the future. In other words, they must emulate Ché, a man who gave everything and asked nothing in return, a guerrilla who believed devoutly in his ability to shape the forces of history by sheer willpower.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Comic Sans MS;">To this end, whenever children in the Young Pioneers (a Cuban version of the Boy Scouts and Girl Scouts, organized by the Communist Party) set off to work in the fields or march in a parade, they raise their right hand and pledge, "Seremos como el Ché (We will be like Ché)."</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Comic Sans MS;">Ironically, the same government which expends tremendous energy inculcating revolutionary values has inadvertently enhanced the power and prestige of Santería.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Comic Sans MS;">When Castro assumed control of Cuba, he did not exhort the poor to construct socialism through voluntary labor. As the bourgeois fled, the revolutionaries seized their assets and distributed them among their former servants, prompting the poet, Nicolás Guillén, to write: "Te lo prometió Martí y Fidel te lo cumplió." [What Martí (hero of the Cuban war for independence) promised, Fidel delivered]:'</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Comic Sans MS;">In Santería, a promesa is a contract with a god-if you make an adequate offering, your petition is granted. This unexpected bonanza reinforced many people's belief in magic. According to the First Party Congress in 1975, Santería was permissible as folklore, a relic of an ignorant past. When religious superstitions failed to wither away, the ever-pragmatic Castro did more than recognize them: he created a national association of babalawos, invited the Nigerian king of all santeros for a visit and promised to build a temple and hold a national congress of santeros.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Comic Sans MS;">In the interim, Santería benefited from the revolutionary leadership's confrontations with the Catholic Church. As the authority of recognized "official" religion was curtailed, the influence of Santería expanded to fill the vacuum. Finally, Santería’s prestige was augmented by the mass movement of Cuban troops and technicians to Africa, where religions similar to Santería are practiced openly. More than 200,000 Cubans have visited the motherland over the last ten years. This re acquaintance, instigated by the government, has made it more difficult to repress African-inspired religions.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Comic Sans MS;">Castro is not unaware of the extraordinary convergence between Santería and revolutionary holy days, nor is he above manipulating their significance. January 1, the day of El Triunfo, is also Elegguá’s day. July 26, officially commemorated as the commencement of the struggle against Batista, is also celebrated as the day of St. Ann, mother of Mary, who, as any Cuban can tell you, is really the benevolent Nana Burukú, goddess of Justice and mother of Babalú-ayé. No one knows if it is coincidence or foresight that the red and black of the 26th of July Movement happened to be the colors of this powerful goddess.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Comic Sans MS;">But relying on signs from the gods is risky business. In 1987, the Ifá Oracle, the annual prediction for the new year, announced that Castro would die unless the Yoruba "king of kings;' the "great Oni" of babalawos, traveled to Cuba and kissed the ground. The revolutionary government duly issued the invitation, and a picture of the great Oni arriving at the José Martí Airport in Havana graced the front page of Granma, the newspaper of the Communist Party. Reportedly, the Nigerian kissed the ground. Fidel did not die. And neither has Santería.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Comic Sans MS;">Contemporary Cuban politics is the child of an unlikely marriage. The children of the revolution admire Ché, their handsome, idealistic lather; they worship Cachita, their beautiful, fun-loving mother, and they hope to grow up to be both.</span></div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6026526.post-5314820375548568362011-05-27T06:55:00.000-07:002014-04-29T07:54:47.737-07:00U.S. Dept. of Defense and Cuba: Some General Comparisons<br />
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by Nelson P Valdés<br />
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<h1 class="entry-title" style="border: 0px; color: #263449; font-family: Lato; font-size: 30px; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: 36px; margin: 0px 0px 5px; max-width: 100%; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline; word-wrap: break-word;">
<span style="background-color: white; color: #586266; font-family: Oxygen; font-size: 16px; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: 24px;">The following information originates in several sources [found as hyperlinks]. Most of the material comes from the U.S. Department of Defense, Base Structure Report, FY-2009.</span></h1>
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The Pentagon has: </div>
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– 539,000 facilities (buildings, structures and linear structures)</div>
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– 5,570 military sites</div>
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– Occupies 29 million acres or about 120,000 km2, which is almost equivalent to half of the United Kingdom, or all of North Korea, or the state of Mississippi or New York.</div>
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[The total land area of Cuba is 109,886 km2. Consequently the Pentagon has more land than the entire Cuban republic.] (*)</div>
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– The number of U.S. military sites increased in 2008 by 150.</div>
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– Total number of U.S. overseas military bases: 716 [does not include secret bases]</div>
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– Overseas military bases in “territories” [Guam, etc): 121</div>
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-- Total Overseas Pentagon military bases: 837 bases outside U.S. borders (Fiscal Year 2009) [does not include secret bases in Afghanistan, Iraq,</div>
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Hungary, Austria, Israel, Bulgaria, Qatar, etc.].</div>
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– Number of countries in the world: 192</div>
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– Number of countries with US military bases: 150 estimated. Note that all sites are not listed [See "Explanation" below]</div>
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The Pentagon budget for fiscal year 2010 was $663.8 billion. The budget request for the Department of Defense (DoD) included $533.8 billion in discretionary budget authority to fund base defense programs and $130 billion to support overseas contingency operations, primarily in Iraq and Afghanistan. The proposed DoD base budget represents an increase of $20.5 billion over the $513.3 billion enacted for fiscal 2009. This was an increase of 4 percent, or 2.1 percent real growth after adjusting for inflation. [1]</div>
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– Only 20 countries have a Gross Domestic product that is larger than the yearly Pentagon budget: China, Japan, India, Germany, Russia, United Kingdom, France, Brazil, Italy, Mexico, Spain, South Korea, Canada, Indonesia, Turkey, Iran, Australia, Taiwan, Netherlands and Poland.</div>
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– The Pentagon budget for 2010 is larger than the Gross Domestic Product of each of the following countries: Saudi Arabia, Argentina, Thailand, South Africa, Egypt, Pakistan, Colombia, Belgium, Malaysia, Venezuela, Sweden, Greece, Ukraine, Nigeria, Austria, Philippines, Switzerland, Hong Kong, Norway, Romania, Czech Republic, Peru, Chile, Vietnam, Singapore, Portugal, Algeria, Bangladesh, United Arab Emirates, Denmark, Israel, Hungary, Finland, Ireland, Kazakhstan, Kuwait, Morocco, Slovakia, New Zealand, Belarus, Angola, Cuba, Ecuador, Syria, Bulgaria, Sri Lanka, Qatar, Iraq, Sudan, Libya, Croatia, Tunisia, Serbia, Dominican Republic, Azerbaijan, Uzbekistan, Ethiopia, Puerto Rico, Guatemala, Oman, Lithuania, Kenya, Slovenia, Yemen, Burma, Tanzania, Costa Rica, Lebanon, El Salvador, Bolivia, Uruguay, Cameroon, Uganda, North Korea, Luxembourg, Latvia, Panama, Ghana.</div>
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Cote d’Ivoire, Honduras, Jordan, Nepal, Turkmenistan, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Trinidad and Tobago, Paraguay, Estonia, Cambodia, Botswana, Bahrain, Jamaica, Equatorial Guinea, Cyprus, Afghanistan, Albania, Senegal, Georgia, Gabon, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Madagascar, Brunei, Mozambique, Macedonia, Armenia, Macau, Burkina Faso, Zambia, Nicaragua, Chad, Mauritius, Republic of the Congo, Mali, Laos, Namibia, Tajikistan, Papua New Guinea, Iceland, Benin, Gaza Strip, West Bank, Malawi, Kyrgyzstan, Haiti, Moldova, Guinea, Niger, Malta, Rwanda, Mongolia, Bahamas, Montenegro, Mauritania, Swaziland, Somalia, Barbados, Togo, Kosovo, French Polynesia, Bermuda, Sierra Leone, Suriname, Liechtenstein, Eritrea, Andorra, Fiji, Bhutan, Lesotho, Central African republic, New Caledonia, Burundi, Guyana, Netherlands Antilles, Guernsey, Isle of Man, Belize, Timor Leste, The Gambia, Aruba, Cayman Islands, Zimbabwe, Djibouti, Seychelles, Saint Lucia,Maldives, San Marino, Antigua and Barbuda, Cape Verde, Virgin Islands, Solomon Islands, Liberia, Grenada, Greenland, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, Gibraltar, Samoa, Faroe Islands, Vanuatu, Monaco, Mayotte, Northern Mariana Islands, Western Sahara, Guinea Bissau, Saint Kitts and Nevis, Comoros, Dominica, Kiribati, American Samoa, Tonga, Sao Tome and Principe, Micronesia, Turks and Caicos Islands, Cook Islands, Palau, Marshall islands, Anguilla, Falkland Islands, Nauru, Wallis and Futuna, Saint Pierre and Miguelon, Montserrat, Saint Helena, Tuvalu, Niue, Tokelau. [2]</div>
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– The Cuban military budget in 2008 was estimated at $1.7 billion or 0.1% of the world expenditures on the military; it was 0.2% of the U.S. military budget. [3]</div>
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– The Pentagon has 183,799 “structures” throughout the world [not counting U.S. territory] – valued at $157 BILLION DOLLARS.</div>
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– The US military “manages” and “controls” 28.5 million acres of land [115,335 square kilometers]. Cuba, by comparison has 108,886 square kilometers.</div>
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– Number of formal U.S. military personnel: 2.5 million.</div>
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– The Pentagon military budget does not include all the money given to the agencies that engage in espionage, which is classified. [4]</div>
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<strong style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">EXPLANATION:</strong></div>
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“To be listed sites should meet a predetermined size and value criteria. To qualify for entry in the published report, a site located in the United States must be larger than 10 acres AND have a PRV (Total Plant Replacement Value) greater than $10 million. If the site is located in a foreign country, it must be larger than 10 acres OR have a PRV greater than $10 million to be shown as a separate entry. PRV for all facilities (buildings, structures, and utilities) is the cost to replace the current physical plant (facilities and supporting infrastructure) using today’s construction costs (labor and materials) and standards (methodologies and codes).” [5]</div>
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(*) Note from the Author: The National Organization of Stadistics provides the the figure of 109,886 square kilometers. See: Ver: <a href="http://www.one.cu/anuariopdf/capitulo1/0102.pdf" style="border: 0px; color: #6692ba; font-family: inherit; font-size: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: none; padding: 0px; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;">http://www.one.cu/anuariopdf/capitulo1/0102.pdf</a></div>
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[1]Source: <a href="http://www.defense.gov/Releases/Release.aspx?ReleaseID=12652" style="border: 0px; color: #6692ba; font-family: inherit; font-size: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: none; padding: 0px; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;">http://www.defense.gov/Releases/Release.aspx?ReleaseID=12652</a></div>
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[2] <a href="https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/rankorder/2001ra" style="border: 0px; color: #6692ba; font-family: inherit; font-size: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: none; padding: 0px; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;">https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/rankorder/2001rank.html</a></div>
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[3] <a href="http://www.defense.gov/pubs/pdfs/2009Baseline.pdf" style="border: 0px; color: #6692ba; font-family: inherit; font-size: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: none; padding: 0px; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;">http://www.defense.gov/pubs/pdfs/2009Baseline.pdf</a></div>
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[4] <a href="http://www.defense.gov/pubs/pdfs/2009Baseline.pdf" style="border: 0px; color: #6692ba; font-family: inherit; font-size: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: none; padding: 0px; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;">http://www.defense.gov/pubs/pdfs/2009Baseline.pdf</a></div>
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[5] <a href="http://www.inteldaily.com/news/178/ARTICLE/8942/2008-12-09.html" style="border: 0px; color: #6692ba; font-family: inherit; font-size: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: none; padding: 0px; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;">http://www.inteldaily.com/news/178/ARTICLE/8942/2008-12-09.html</a></div>
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